Restrictive legal and administrative framework – The Observatory For Defenders

Restrictive legal and administrative framework – The Observatory For Defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org Fri, 03 Jul 2026 22:37:26 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=7.0.2 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png Restrictive legal and administrative framework – The Observatory For Defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org 32 32 Belarus: Human rights organisations denounce systemic crisis of democracy and human rights in the labour sector https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/belarus-human-rights-organisations-denounce-systemic-crisis-of-democracy-and-human-rights-in-the-labour-sector/ Thu, 04 Jun 2026 22:33:26 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24859 Paris-Geneva, 4 June 2026 - Belarus is facing a profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector, marked by the dismantling of independent trade unions, the imprisonment of trade union leaders and activists, and widespread restrictions on workers’ rights. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, denounce this profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector and declare that the current situation is complex in nature and affects fundamental labour rights guaranteed by international law, including freedom of association, the right to decent work, the prohibition of forced labour, and non-discrimination. Since 2004, the Belarusian authorities have systematically ignored and failed to implement the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Commission of Inquiry aimed at ensuring freedom of association, registration of independent trade unions, and removal of obstacles to their activities. Following the presidential election on 9 August 2020 - the legitimacy of which, along with its official results, was called into question by a significant number of international and Belarusian organisations - and the subsequent mass peaceful protests, the situation regarding freedom of association in the labour sector in Belarus began to deteriorate steadily. In 2022, the Belarusian authorities forcibly dissolved all independent trade unions (SPM, SPB, BNP, REP), as well as their umbrella organisation, the Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions (BKDP). Their leaders and activists faced criminal prosecution, arrest and imprisonment, and were forced to leave the country. As a result, the activities of independent trade unions within Belarus were effectively halted, and workers’ ability to form and participate in independent trade unions, engage in collective representation, and defend their labour rights was significantly restricted. Under these circumstances, independent worker representation has become virtually impossible. These restrictions are systemic in nature, as they are supported by a combination of legislative mechanisms, law enforcement practices, and repressive policies targeting independent actors. Against this backdrop, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) functions de facto as part of the state governance system and does not provide genuine protection of workers’ rights and interests. In 2023, an unprecedented measure was taken against Belarus under Article 33 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) – only the second such case in the history of the organisation. The application of Article 33 of the ILO Constitution is a recognition by the international community of serious and systematic violations committed by the State and requires coordinated action by member States. At present, more than 20 trade union leaders and activists are in prison, and over 50 have already served their sentences but remain non-exonerated. The restrictions imposed on the latter based on their criminal records and their inclusion on lists of ‘extremists’ and ‘terrorists’ are the continuation of repression against them. Although formally released from detention, they effectively continue to serve their sentences. A number of unlawfully convicted and imprisoned trade union activists, including Aliaksandr Yarashuk, Chairperson of the BKDP and member of the ILO Governing Body, and Hennadz Fiadynich, Chairperson of REP, were forcibly expelled from the country, had their passports confiscated, and were effectively deprived of social rights, including the right to a pension. Maksim Senik, a member of the Independent Trade Union ‘Hrodna Azot’, was also forcibly expelled, and his passport was annulled without legal grounds. The widespread use of forced labour practices is a cause for particular concern. These include the use of labour from prisoners, individuals placed in medical labour centres, and people with disabilities who are permanently resident in social care homes (which is especially critical for those with neuropsychiatric conditions); the application of legislation on so-called ‘social dependency’; compulsory community work days (‘subbotniks’); the mandatory job placement of young professionals; a contract-based employment system that restricts the freedom to terminate employment relationships; and other forms of labour that do not comply with the principle of voluntariness. These practices contravene Belarus’s international obligations, including those under the International Labour Organisation. We also observe systematic discrimination against workers on political grounds. Individuals who express dissent with government policy or participate in peaceful protests face dismissal, denial of employment, and inclusion on informal ‘blacklists’. The formal grounds for discriminating against such individuals are continually expanding, not only depriving them of their civil rights but also preventing them from fully participating in economic and social life: hiring rules, performance evaluation guidelines, and codes of ethics are being altered. Since 2023, a ban has been enshrined in law on at least eight professions for people who have been held criminally and/or administratively liable under ‘political’ articles. Gender discrimination also remains systemic. Women continue to face restrictions on access to certain types of employment due to the continued existence of a list of ‘prohibited professions’, gender quotas in the education system, and unequal treatment at work. The overly broad application of legislation aimed at combating ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ has become an additional instrument restricting the right to work. Inclusion of citizens in relevant lists effectively bars them from employment in certain sectors, imposes financial restrictions, and leads to social isolation, thereby violating the principles of proportionality and legal certainty. As a result, social dialogue in Belarus has been replaced by a mere facade: independent workers’ representatives have been excluded from it, while the key role is played by the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB), which is de facto integrated into the state system and lacks institutional independence. This model systematically perpetuates labour rights violations and precludes the possibility of their effective protection within the country. Belarus consistently evades cooperation with international monitoring mechanisms. The authorities refuse to engage constructively with UN bodies, ignore the recommendations of the ILO, and do not recognise the mandate of the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus. The undersigned Independent trade unions, human rights organisations, representatives of Belarusian civil society initiatives, and international human rights organisations declare their intention to establish and develop cooperation and to join forces with the aim of building a democratic society based on the principles of the rule of law, social justice, and decent work. We express our strong support for the mandate of Mr Lelio Bentes Corrêa, the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus, and call for its further strengthening. In the absence of effective domestic mechanisms to protect labour rights, international attention and cooperation remain key instruments for supporting workers in Belarus. In this regard, we call on the member states of the UN agencies, the ILO, other international organisations, and the business community to:

Step up cooperation in implementing Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with regard to Belarus.
Take concerted action to ensure that Belarus fulfills its international obligations in labour relations.
Seek full recognition by the Government of Belarus of the mandate of all UN human rights mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation with human rights in Belarus, the Group of Independent Experts on the situation with human rights in Belarus, and the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus.
Take labour rights violations into account when formulating sanctions and trade policies.
Ensure that companies engaging with any Belarusian businesses, state bodies, or other organisations implement appropriate human rights due diligence procedures.
Support independent trade union and human rights initiatives, including those operating in exile.
Seek the immediate release of all trade union leaders and activists and an end to the politically motivated persecution of workers.
Promote the restoration of freedom of association and the creation of conditions for the functioning of independent trade unions in Belarus.

The systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector in Belarus requires an immediate and coordinated international response. Without the restoration of independent trade unions, neither decent work nor sustainable development can be ensured.]]> Paris-Geneva, 4 June 2026 - Belarus is facing a profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector, marked by the dismantling of independent trade unions, the imprisonment of trade union leaders and activists, and widespread restrictions on workers’ rights. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, denounce this profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector and declare that the current situation is complex in nature and affects fundamental labour rights guaranteed by international law, including freedom of association, the right to decent work, the prohibition of forced labour, and non-discrimination. Since 2004, the Belarusian authorities have systematically ignored and failed to implement the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Commission of Inquiry aimed at ensuring freedom of association, registration of independent trade unions, and removal of obstacles to their activities. Following the presidential election on 9 August 2020 - the legitimacy of which, along with its official results, was called into question by a significant number of international and Belarusian organisations - and the subsequent mass peaceful protests, the situation regarding freedom of association in the labour sector in Belarus began to deteriorate steadily. In 2022, the Belarusian authorities forcibly dissolved all independent trade unions (SPM, SPB, BNP, REP), as well as their umbrella organisation, the Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions (BKDP). Their leaders and activists faced criminal prosecution, arrest and imprisonment, and were forced to leave the country. As a result, the activities of independent trade unions within Belarus were effectively halted, and workers’ ability to form and participate in independent trade unions, engage in collective representation, and defend their labour rights was significantly restricted. Under these circumstances, independent worker representation has become virtually impossible. These restrictions are systemic in nature, as they are supported by a combination of legislative mechanisms, law enforcement practices, and repressive policies targeting independent actors. Against this backdrop, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) functions de facto as part of the state governance system and does not provide genuine protection of workers’ rights and interests. In 2023, an unprecedented measure was taken against Belarus under Article 33 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) – only the second such case in the history of the organisation. The application of Article 33 of the ILO Constitution is a recognition by the international community of serious and systematic violations committed by the State and requires coordinated action by member States. At present, more than 20 trade union leaders and activists are in prison, and over 50 have already served their sentences but remain non-exonerated. The restrictions imposed on the latter based on their criminal records and their inclusion on lists of ‘extremists’ and ‘terrorists’ are the continuation of repression against them. Although formally released from detention, they effectively continue to serve their sentences. A number of unlawfully convicted and imprisoned trade union activists, including Aliaksandr Yarashuk, Chairperson of the BKDP and member of the ILO Governing Body, and Hennadz Fiadynich, Chairperson of REP, were forcibly expelled from the country, had their passports confiscated, and were effectively deprived of social rights, including the right to a pension. Maksim Senik, a member of the Independent Trade Union ‘Hrodna Azot’, was also forcibly expelled, and his passport was annulled without legal grounds. The widespread use of forced labour practices is a cause for particular concern. These include the use of labour from prisoners, individuals placed in medical labour centres, and people with disabilities who are permanently resident in social care homes (which is especially critical for those with neuropsychiatric conditions); the application of legislation on so-called ‘social dependency’; compulsory community work days (‘subbotniks’); the mandatory job placement of young professionals; a contract-based employment system that restricts the freedom to terminate employment relationships; and other forms of labour that do not comply with the principle of voluntariness. These practices contravene Belarus’s international obligations, including those under the International Labour Organisation. We also observe systematic discrimination against workers on political grounds. Individuals who express dissent with government policy or participate in peaceful protests face dismissal, denial of employment, and inclusion on informal ‘blacklists’. The formal grounds for discriminating against such individuals are continually expanding, not only depriving them of their civil rights but also preventing them from fully participating in economic and social life: hiring rules, performance evaluation guidelines, and codes of ethics are being altered. Since 2023, a ban has been enshrined in law on at least eight professions for people who have been held criminally and/or administratively liable under ‘political’ articles. Gender discrimination also remains systemic. Women continue to face restrictions on access to certain types of employment due to the continued existence of a list of ‘prohibited professions’, gender quotas in the education system, and unequal treatment at work. The overly broad application of legislation aimed at combating ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ has become an additional instrument restricting the right to work. Inclusion of citizens in relevant lists effectively bars them from employment in certain sectors, imposes financial restrictions, and leads to social isolation, thereby violating the principles of proportionality and legal certainty. As a result, social dialogue in Belarus has been replaced by a mere facade: independent workers’ representatives have been excluded from it, while the key role is played by the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB), which is de facto integrated into the state system and lacks institutional independence. This model systematically perpetuates labour rights violations and precludes the possibility of their effective protection within the country. Belarus consistently evades cooperation with international monitoring mechanisms. The authorities refuse to engage constructively with UN bodies, ignore the recommendations of the ILO, and do not recognise the mandate of the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus. The undersigned Independent trade unions, human rights organisations, representatives of Belarusian civil society initiatives, and international human rights organisations declare their intention to establish and develop cooperation and to join forces with the aim of building a democratic society based on the principles of the rule of law, social justice, and decent work. We express our strong support for the mandate of Mr Lelio Bentes Corrêa, the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus, and call for its further strengthening. In the absence of effective domestic mechanisms to protect labour rights, international attention and cooperation remain key instruments for supporting workers in Belarus. In this regard, we call on the member states of the UN agencies, the ILO, other international organisations, and the business community to:

Step up cooperation in implementing Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with regard to Belarus.
Take concerted action to ensure that Belarus fulfills its international obligations in labour relations.
Seek full recognition by the Government of Belarus of the mandate of all UN human rights mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation with human rights in Belarus, the Group of Independent Experts on the situation with human rights in Belarus, and the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus.
Take labour rights violations into account when formulating sanctions and trade policies.
Ensure that companies engaging with any Belarusian businesses, state bodies, or other organisations implement appropriate human rights due diligence procedures.
Support independent trade union and human rights initiatives, including those operating in exile.
Seek the immediate release of all trade union leaders and activists and an end to the politically motivated persecution of workers.
Promote the restoration of freedom of association and the creation of conditions for the functioning of independent trade unions in Belarus.

The systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector in Belarus requires an immediate and coordinated international response. Without the restoration of independent trade unions, neither decent work nor sustainable development can be ensured.]]> India: Kashmiri journalist and human rights defender Irfan Mehraj held for three-years in pre-trial detention https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/india-kashmiri-journalist-and-human-rights-defender-irfan-mehraj-held-for-three-years-in-pre-trial-detention/ Thu, 19 Mar 2026 16:06:18 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24547 19 March 2026. On 20 March 2023, Irfan Mehraj was detained by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) under provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on politically motivated and fabricated charges. According to the NIA, Irfan Mehraj was arrested for being ‘a close associate of Khurram Parvez’. Khurram Parvez is a HRD and the Program Coordinator of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a leading civil society organisation in Jammu and Kashmir. Indian authorities continue to arbitrarily detain Khurram Parvez for over four years now on politically motivated and fabricated charges. The ongoing detentions of Irfan Mehraj and Khurram Parvez highlight a broader pattern of persecution of human rights defenders and journalists in Jammu and Kashmir. The authorities have used the UAPA – a draconian anti-terror law - and the repressive Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (PSA), which permits long-term detention without trial, to criminalise and silence journalists and human rights defenders in Jammu and Kashmir. This has worsened since the unilateral abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood in August 2019. In recent months, the police continued to harass and intimidate journalists from Indian-administered Kashmir for their reporting, including through summoning them for repeated police interrogations and demanding that journalists sign a bond undertaking that they will not do anything that would ‘disturb peace’. The Indian government has continuously failed to respond to concerns regarding human rights violations in Kashmir raised by United Nations experts and international human rights organisations. India should respect its international human rights obligations and end its reprisal against human rights defenders and journalists, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. Other countries at the UN Human Rights Council should address these flagrant violations by a sitting member state. Our organisations urge the Indian authorities to repeal repressive laws including the UAPA and the PSA and to create an enabling environment for civil society and the media to freely and independently operate in Jammu and Kashmir. As India continues to work towards securing stronger multilateral and bilateral relations, we call on the international community to urge the Indian government to comply with its international human rights obligations, release Irfan Mehraj, Khurram Parvez and all other detained Kashmiri human rights defenders and end its repression in Jammu and Kashmir.]]> 19 March 2026. On 20 March 2023, Irfan Mehraj was detained by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) under provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on politically motivated and fabricated charges. According to the NIA, Irfan Mehraj was arrested for being ‘a close associate of Khurram Parvez’. Khurram Parvez is a HRD and the Program Coordinator of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a leading civil society organisation in Jammu and Kashmir. Indian authorities continue to arbitrarily detain Khurram Parvez for over four years now on politically motivated and fabricated charges. The ongoing detentions of Irfan Mehraj and Khurram Parvez highlight a broader pattern of persecution of human rights defenders and journalists in Jammu and Kashmir. The authorities have used the UAPA – a draconian anti-terror law - and the repressive Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (PSA), which permits long-term detention without trial, to criminalise and silence journalists and human rights defenders in Jammu and Kashmir. This has worsened since the unilateral abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood in August 2019. In recent months, the police continued to harass and intimidate journalists from Indian-administered Kashmir for their reporting, including through summoning them for repeated police interrogations and demanding that journalists sign a bond undertaking that they will not do anything that would ‘disturb peace’. The Indian government has continuously failed to respond to concerns regarding human rights violations in Kashmir raised by United Nations experts and international human rights organisations. India should respect its international human rights obligations and end its reprisal against human rights defenders and journalists, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. Other countries at the UN Human Rights Council should address these flagrant violations by a sitting member state. Our organisations urge the Indian authorities to repeal repressive laws including the UAPA and the PSA and to create an enabling environment for civil society and the media to freely and independently operate in Jammu and Kashmir. As India continues to work towards securing stronger multilateral and bilateral relations, we call on the international community to urge the Indian government to comply with its international human rights obligations, release Irfan Mehraj, Khurram Parvez and all other detained Kashmiri human rights defenders and end its repression in Jammu and Kashmir.]]> Georgia: Authorities must repeal new amendments on the Law “On Grants” and other repressive legislation criminalising human rights work https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/georgia-authorities-must-repeal-new-amendments-on-the-law-on-grants-and-other-repressive-legislation-criminalising-human-rights-work/ Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:11:33 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24561 Paris-Geneva-Tbilisi, 18 March 2026. On 28 January 2026, the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party introduced legislative amendments on the Georgian Law “On Grants” before the Georgian Parliament. Thes new amendments were subsequently adopted by Parliament on 4 March, with the aim of effectively dismantling independent civil society organisations by cutting them off from foreign funding, and criminalising their vital work inside Georgia. Just before the new amendments were passed, the Georgian Law “On Grants” adopted in 1996 and amended several times, including most recently in April 2025, already obliged foreign donors to obtain government approval before providing grants to Georgian recipients, and imposed heavy administrative fines for grant recipients receiving funding without prior government authorisation. Under the newly adopted amendments, receiving “unauthorised” grants now constitutes criminal offence, punishable by up to six years of imprisonment. The definition of “foreign grants” has also been significantly expanded, allowing for the arbitrary and politically motivated criminal prosecution of civil society actors. In addition, individuals previously employed by organisations receiving more than 20 percent of their funding from foreign sources within a calendar year are now banned from political party membership for eight years. At the end of January, the GD had announced that this package of amendments was aimed at making it “significantly more difficult” to receive foreign support for activities framed as “political” or influencing public life. The amended legislation also introduces criminal liability for vaguely defined “extremism against the constitutional order” (new Article 360 of the Georgian Criminal Code). This provision seeks to punish the “systematic” “non-recognition of the Georgian Dream government”, including through “systematic and public calls (…) for mass violations of legislation, mass disobedience to state authorities, or the creation of alternative bodies to state authorities”, with fines and up to three years of imprisonment. This provision is designed as a tool to silence and suppress further peaceful protest against the violations carried out by GD, to further restrict the human rights work of civil society organisations, and to dismantle essential democratic safeguards. These legislative developments have prompted strong reactions from the international community. On 12 February 2026, the European Union Ambassador to Georgia Paweł Herczyński met the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Georgia, George Zurabashvili, and called on the Georgian authorities to ensure that the proposed amendments comply with Georgia’s commitments under the EU–Georgia Association Agreement, as well as the commitments undertaken by Georgia as a EU membership candidate country. On 29 January 2026, 23 OSCE participating Statesexplicitly cited growing concerns over restrictions on fundamental freedoms and the increasing pressure on independent voices and opposition actors in Georgia, leading to the first ever invocation of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. The Observatory emphasises that these new restrictions are part of a broader legislative trajectory aimed at systematically restricting the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly in Georgia. As documented by the Observatory, over the past two years, the Georgian authorities have adopted and expanded a series of repressive laws that drastically impact the work of civil society organisations, independent media and human rights defenders, including the 2024 Law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence”, currently challenged before the European Court of Human Rights, and the 2025 Foreign Agents Registration Act. In such a climate, the ability of human rights defenders, independent media and civil society actors to work freely and safely is under severe threat. Therefore, the Observatory and the undersigned organisations urge the Georgian authorities to: Repeal the amendments to the Law “On Grants” and all other legislation restricting the legitimate work of human rights defenders and civil society; Ensure that any regulation of civil society financing complies fully with Georgia’s obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), including the rights of freedom of association, freedom of peaceful assembly, and freedom of expression; Put an end to any act of harassment and intimidation of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, and journalists.]]> Paris-Geneva-Tbilisi, 18 March 2026. On 28 January 2026, the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party introduced legislative amendments on the Georgian Law “On Grants” before the Georgian Parliament. Thes new amendments were subsequently adopted by Parliament on 4 March, with the aim of effectively dismantling independent civil society organisations by cutting them off from foreign funding, and criminalising their vital work inside Georgia. Just before the new amendments were passed, the Georgian Law “On Grants” adopted in 1996 and amended several times, including most recently in April 2025, already obliged foreign donors to obtain government approval before providing grants to Georgian recipients, and imposed heavy administrative fines for grant recipients receiving funding without prior government authorisation. Under the newly adopted amendments, receiving “unauthorised” grants now constitutes criminal offence, punishable by up to six years of imprisonment. The definition of “foreign grants” has also been significantly expanded, allowing for the arbitrary and politically motivated criminal prosecution of civil society actors. In addition, individuals previously employed by organisations receiving more than 20 percent of their funding from foreign sources within a calendar year are now banned from political party membership for eight years. At the end of January, the GD had announced that this package of amendments was aimed at making it “significantly more difficult” to receive foreign support for activities framed as “political” or influencing public life. The amended legislation also introduces criminal liability for vaguely defined “extremism against the constitutional order” (new Article 360 of the Georgian Criminal Code). This provision seeks to punish the “systematic” “non-recognition of the Georgian Dream government”, including through “systematic and public calls (…) for mass violations of legislation, mass disobedience to state authorities, or the creation of alternative bodies to state authorities”, with fines and up to three years of imprisonment. This provision is designed as a tool to silence and suppress further peaceful protest against the violations carried out by GD, to further restrict the human rights work of civil society organisations, and to dismantle essential democratic safeguards. These legislative developments have prompted strong reactions from the international community. On 12 February 2026, the European Union Ambassador to Georgia Paweł Herczyński met the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Georgia, George Zurabashvili, and called on the Georgian authorities to ensure that the proposed amendments comply with Georgia’s commitments under the EU–Georgia Association Agreement, as well as the commitments undertaken by Georgia as a EU membership candidate country. On 29 January 2026, 23 OSCE participating Statesexplicitly cited growing concerns over restrictions on fundamental freedoms and the increasing pressure on independent voices and opposition actors in Georgia, leading to the first ever invocation of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. The Observatory emphasises that these new restrictions are part of a broader legislative trajectory aimed at systematically restricting the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly in Georgia. As documented by the Observatory, over the past two years, the Georgian authorities have adopted and expanded a series of repressive laws that drastically impact the work of civil society organisations, independent media and human rights defenders, including the 2024 Law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence”, currently challenged before the European Court of Human Rights, and the 2025 Foreign Agents Registration Act. In such a climate, the ability of human rights defenders, independent media and civil society actors to work freely and safely is under severe threat. Therefore, the Observatory and the undersigned organisations urge the Georgian authorities to: Repeal the amendments to the Law “On Grants” and all other legislation restricting the legitimate work of human rights defenders and civil society; Ensure that any regulation of civil society financing complies fully with Georgia’s obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), including the rights of freedom of association, freedom of peaceful assembly, and freedom of expression; Put an end to any act of harassment and intimidation of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, and journalists.]]> Yemen: Government Escalates Repression Against Civil Society https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/yemen-government-escalates-repression-against-civil-society/ Mon, 15 Dec 2025 16:51:21 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24268 The Yemeni Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor (MoSAL) has escalated its repression of civil society organisations that work across the country, further shrinking civic space, eight human rights organisations said today, including the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders. On 27 November 2025 MoSAL made a decision to prohibit all civil society actors from engaging with Mwatana for Human Rights, a Yemeni nongovernmental organisation that documents human rights abuses by all warring parties in Yemen. This move follows many other instances over the last few years in which the Yemeni government and MoSAL, as well as the Southern Transitional Council (STC), have obstructed the work of Yemeni civil society organisations, including the Yemen Journalists Syndicate and the Yemen Women’s Union. The decision, issued under reference number (1001), instructs local councils, social affairs offices, and civil society organisations in areas under the internationally recognised government’s authority to “refrain from any interaction with the entity called Mwatana for Human Rights” and to treat it as an “unauthorised organisation” under Yemeni law. In its explanation, the Ministry linked the prohibition to concerns about terrorism and alleged ties to Ansar Allah (Houthis), framing the ban as necessary to “maintain the legality and safety of civil society work.” In practice, however, this directive weaponises counterterrorism and security narratives to criminalise engagement with one of Yemeni human rights organisation, further shrinking the space for civil society work. The decision reflects a broader pattern of repression against civil society, human rights defenders, and journalists by authorities across Yemen, including in the south. Organisations in Aden and other governorates controlled by the government and the STC have faced harassment, arbitrary closures, and administrative obstacles. MoSAL has refused to renew the registration of several organisations, including Mwatana, as well as the Yemen Women’s Union and the Yemen Journalists’ Syndicate, particularly where they’re seen as working across the whole of Yemen. In 2024, CIHRS conducted interviews with six civil society organisations regarding restrictions they faced from the government. None of the organisations were able to submit their applications-- all six were verbally rejected. The directive not only undermines the vital role of civil society in Yemen but also violates Yemen’s obligations under international law to protect freedom of association and the work of human rights defenders. The decision also violates Yemen’s Law on Associations and Foundations, which, under Article 3, stipulates authorities must “ensure that associations and foundations can carry out their activities with complete freedom and independence, in a manner consistent with their social responsibilities, and to simplify procedures and facilitate processes related to the right to establish associations and foundations, enabling them to fulfill their mission to the fullest extent.” It further isolates survivors of human rights and armed-conflict violations and their families, who rely on independent organisations to have their voices heard. Allowing this ban to stand will set a dangerous precedent, effectively giving a green light for politicised attacks on civil society organisations and opening the door to more organisations being subjected to similar threats. Along with attacks on journalists and human rights defenders, these measures risk silencing independent voices across Yemen, dismantling the fragile space that remains for accountability, justice, and the defense of human rights. We, the undersigned civil society organisations, call on the internationally recognised government to immediately rescind their decision and ensure that all civil society groups can operate freely and safely. International actors, including the United Nations and donor governments, should press all parties in Yemen to end their harassment of human rights defenders and guarantee protection for Yemen’s civil society.]]> The Yemeni Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor (MoSAL) has escalated its repression of civil society organisations that work across the country, further shrinking civic space, eight human rights organisations said today, including the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders. On 27 November 2025 MoSAL made a decision to prohibit all civil society actors from engaging with Mwatana for Human Rights, a Yemeni nongovernmental organisation that documents human rights abuses by all warring parties in Yemen. This move follows many other instances over the last few years in which the Yemeni government and MoSAL, as well as the Southern Transitional Council (STC), have obstructed the work of Yemeni civil society organisations, including the Yemen Journalists Syndicate and the Yemen Women’s Union. The decision, issued under reference number (1001), instructs local councils, social affairs offices, and civil society organisations in areas under the internationally recognised government’s authority to “refrain from any interaction with the entity called Mwatana for Human Rights” and to treat it as an “unauthorised organisation” under Yemeni law. In its explanation, the Ministry linked the prohibition to concerns about terrorism and alleged ties to Ansar Allah (Houthis), framing the ban as necessary to “maintain the legality and safety of civil society work.” In practice, however, this directive weaponises counterterrorism and security narratives to criminalise engagement with one of Yemeni human rights organisation, further shrinking the space for civil society work. The decision reflects a broader pattern of repression against civil society, human rights defenders, and journalists by authorities across Yemen, including in the south. Organisations in Aden and other governorates controlled by the government and the STC have faced harassment, arbitrary closures, and administrative obstacles. MoSAL has refused to renew the registration of several organisations, including Mwatana, as well as the Yemen Women’s Union and the Yemen Journalists’ Syndicate, particularly where they’re seen as working across the whole of Yemen. In 2024, CIHRS conducted interviews with six civil society organisations regarding restrictions they faced from the government. None of the organisations were able to submit their applications-- all six were verbally rejected. The directive not only undermines the vital role of civil society in Yemen but also violates Yemen’s obligations under international law to protect freedom of association and the work of human rights defenders. The decision also violates Yemen’s Law on Associations and Foundations, which, under Article 3, stipulates authorities must “ensure that associations and foundations can carry out their activities with complete freedom and independence, in a manner consistent with their social responsibilities, and to simplify procedures and facilitate processes related to the right to establish associations and foundations, enabling them to fulfill their mission to the fullest extent.” It further isolates survivors of human rights and armed-conflict violations and their families, who rely on independent organisations to have their voices heard. Allowing this ban to stand will set a dangerous precedent, effectively giving a green light for politicised attacks on civil society organisations and opening the door to more organisations being subjected to similar threats. Along with attacks on journalists and human rights defenders, these measures risk silencing independent voices across Yemen, dismantling the fragile space that remains for accountability, justice, and the defense of human rights. We, the undersigned civil society organisations, call on the internationally recognised government to immediately rescind their decision and ensure that all civil society groups can operate freely and safely. International actors, including the United Nations and donor governments, should press all parties in Yemen to end their harassment of human rights defenders and guarantee protection for Yemen’s civil society.]]> [Rapport] Libertés publiques en danger : alerte sur la répression en France https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/rapport-libertes-publiques-en-danger-alerte-sur-la-repression-en-france/ Thu, 25 Sep 2025 12:31:02 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24000

Un nouveau rapport publié ce 25 septembre confirme une dégradation alarmante des libertés publiques en France.

Narratifs hostiles, dissolutions administratives, réduction des financements publics, criminalisation des mobilisations, conduisent à un étouffement de la société civile et mettent en péril la liberté d’association et le droit de manifester.

L’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains de la (FIDH-OMCT) et la LDH alertent : la France tourne le dos à ses engagements démocratiques, suivant comme d’autres pays européens, la voie illibérale.

Un nouveau rapport publié ce 25 septembre confirme une dégradation alarmante des libertés publiques en France.

Lire le rapport Paris/Genève, 25 septembre 2025. Un rapport publié aujourd’hui par l’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains (un programme conjoint de la FIDH et de l’Organisation mondiale contre la torture – OMCT), avec la Ligue des droits de l’Homme (LDH), dresse un constat sévère : les libertés publiques connaissent une régression profonde et structurelle en France. Narratifs hostiles, dissolutions administratives et répression policière, réductions des financements publics, harcèlement et violences à l’encontre des défenseur·es des droits humains, marquent le rétrécissement de l’espace civique. « La France aime rappeler son rôle historique dans la défense des droits humains ; elle se présente volontiers comme la « patrie des droits de l’Homme » et ne se prive pas de donner des leçons aux autres pays en matière de démocratie et de respect des libertés civiles », rappelle Alice Mogwe, présidente de la FIDH. « Mais aujourd’hui, son propre modèle démocratique est mis à mal par des pratiques qui sortent des fondements de l’État de droit et bafouent les droits fondamentaux. » Un climat de défiance et de stigmatisation Le rapport met en exergue plusieurs cas très concrets. En 2020, le gouvernement a prononcé la dissolution du Collectif contre l’islamophobie (CCIF) en France. Une mesure d’exception utilisée comme instrument politique, validée par le Conseil d’État malgré des critiques circonstanciées. Pour la FIDH, l’OMCT et la LDH, ce cas emblématique illustre la manière dont la lutte contre le terrorisme a été instrumentalisée pour réduire au silence des voix critiques. « La dissolution du CCIF a marqué un tournant, » alerte Nathalie Tehio, présidente de la LDH. « Cet usage dévoyé du droit de dissolution, qui est désormais utilisé en raison des seuls propos tenus par les membres des associations en dehors de l’activité de celles-ci, crée un climat de peur et menace toute la société civile. De plus, l’État ne protège pas assez les associations des attaques virulentes de l’extrême-droite. Par ailleurs, les attaques pour museler toute expression discordante collective ne visent pas seulement les associations, elles sont aussi visibles dans la rue, avec une politique de maintien de l’ordre brutale. » Adoptée dans le prolongement de la dissolution du CCIF, la loi « séparatisme » ajoute des motifs de dissolution des associations et est à l’origine du « contrat d’engagement républicain ». Ce dernier impose aux associations de nouvelles règles de conformité pour l’obtention de financements publics. Cependant, en l’absence de critères précis, ils laissent une large place à l’arbitraire et entretiennent un climat d’autocensure. Le rapport documente aussi la multiplication des campagnes politiques et médiatiques de dénigrement contre les associations. Menaces de retraits de subventions, accusations d’« écoterrorisme », délégitimation de leur action : ces discours stigmatisants, autrefois marginaux, sont désormais systématiques. Ils sont d’autant plus inquiétants qu’ils émanent aussi des plus haut·es représentant·es de l’État, comme lorsque la première ministre de l’époque, Mme Borne, ou son ministre de l’intérieur, M. Darmanin, s’en sont pris directement à la LDH. Pour Gerald Staberock, secrétaire général de l’OMCT, « En période de tensions politiques, le rôle des organisations et des défenseur·e·s des droits humains est crucial. Dans une démocratie, des organisations comme la LDH doivent pouvoir faire entendre leurs alertes et exprimer leurs inquiétudes. Cela comprend le droit de dénoncer des violations présumées, notamment en matière de violences policières. Comme dans le reste de l’Europe, il est essentiel de préserver ce socle fondamental de démocratie et de droits humains. » Répression policière des mobilisations : démocratie en danger Autres mouvements citoyens dans le viseur des autorités : les initiatives écologistes. Les mobilisations contre le chantier de l’autoroute A69 et les méga-bassines ont donné lieu à une répression policière particulièrement violente. Arrestations massives, gardes à vue abusives, surveillance intrusive et usage disproportionné de la force : autant de pratiques contraires aux engagements internationaux de la France. « Les défenseur·es de l’environnement sont criminalisés·es pour avoir exercé un droit fondamental : manifester pacifiquement, » souligne Aïssa Rahmoun, secrétaire général de la FIDH. « La violence et l’impunité policières atteignent un niveau critique, qui met en danger les libertés démocratiques dans leur ensemble en France. » Bien que certains mouvements fassent l’objet d’une répression accrue, celle-ci s’étend désormais à toutes les luttes : du féminisme à la cause des exilé.e.s, en passant par l’anti-racisme et les droits des minorités, c’est l’ensemble de la société civile qui est touchée. La FIDH, l’OMCT et la LDH demandent aux autorités françaises de reconnaître le rôle essentiel des associations et défenseur·euses des droits humains, de garantir le droit de manifester et de rétablir un dialogue sincère avec la société civile. « Ce rapport ne se limite pas à dresser un constat alarmant. Il appelle à un sursaut. La France doit choisir entre rester fidèle à ses principes démocratiques et continuer à glisser vers une logique de remise en cause des droits fondamentaux et de rupture avec l’État de droit qui, à terme, ne peut que la faire sombrer dans l’autoritarisme », conclut Alice Mogwe. Lire le rapport complet en français et en anglais sur le site de la FIDH, en français et en anglais sur le site de l’OMCT.]]> Algérie : la société civile alerte sur les dérives autoritaires en Algérie https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/algerie-la-societe-civile-alerte-sur-les-derives-autoritaires-en-algerie/ Mon, 14 Jul 2025 23:15:15 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=23734 L'Observatoire pour la protection des défenseurs des droits humains (FIDH-OMCT), ainsi que les organisations signataires, alertent sur la modification du Code de procédure pénale et la nouvelle loi sur la mobilisation générale, adoptées sans consultation de la société civile. Ces textes fragilisent les garanties du droit à un procès équitable, ouvrent la voie à des détentions arbitraires et confèrent à l'exécutif des pouvoirs exceptionnels, risquant ainsi des dérives contraires aux engagements internationaux du pays en matière de droits humains. 11 juillet 2025 - Les organisations signataires expriment leur vive préoccupation suite à l’adoption, ce mardi 8 juillet 2025 par le Parlement algérien, de deux textes législatifs majeurs : la modification du Code de procédure pénale et la promulgation d’une nouvelle loi relative à la mobilisation générale. Ces évolutions interviennent dans un contexte de fermeture accrue de l’espace civique et sans consultation ouverte et transparente avec les acteur⋅ice⋅es concernés, notamment les organisations de la société civile. La modification du Code de procédure pénale introduit des dispositions qui fragilisent les garanties du droit à un procès équitable. Il autorise notamment la prolongation de la garde a vue sans autorisation du juge après la clôture de l’enquête par la police judiciaire, ce qui constitue une atteinte grave aux droits de la défense et ouvre la voie a des détentions arbitraires sans base légale claire. La possibilité du recours a la visioconférence lors des procès est élargie, sans nécessiter le consentement de la personne poursuivie, ce qui compromet les principes de l’oralité des débats et du contradictoire et empêche une appréciation directe des éléments de preuve par le juge et constitue également une atteinte aux droits de la défense. Par ailleurs, la reforme introduit des mesures attentatoires à la liberté de circulation, notamment à travers l’interdiction de quitter le territoire national décidée par le procureur sur la base d’un rapport de la police judiciaire dans le cadre d’une enquête ouverte, sans possibilité de recours effectif en cas de refus du procureur de lever cette interdiction, ce qui ouvre la voie a une application arbitraire et a des restrictions disproportionnées des libertés individuelles. Quant à la loi sur la mobilisation générale, il s’agit d’un nouveau texte législatif aux formulations vagues, qui confère à l’exécutif des prérogatives exceptionnelles en matière de réquisition, de contrôle des biens et des personnes, et de mobilisation des ressources civiles et militaires, sans contrepoids institutionnel suffisant. Dans un État de droit, toute réforme d’une telle ampleur devrait faire l’objet d’un débat parlementaire approfondi, d’une large concertation nationale, et d’un examen substantiel et non expéditif de la conformité des textes avec la Constitution algérienne et les engagements internationaux de l’Algérie en matière de droits humains. En conséquence, les organisations signataires appellent le gouvernement algérien à : Abroger les textes adoptés à la lumière des principes constitutionnels et des instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits humains ratifiés par l’Algérie. - Garantir un cadre participatif, transparent et pluraliste pour toute réforme législative ayant un impact sur les libertés fondamentales. - S’abstenir de toute utilisation de ces nouvelles dispositions à des fins de restriction de l’espace civique ou de répression de l’action pacifique des citoyen⋅ne⋅s, des journalistes, des syndicalistes et des défenseur⋅es des droits humains. - Préciser clairement les conditions, les limites et les garanties relatives à l’application de la loi sur la mobilisation générale, en particulier en matière de respect des droits fondamentaux. - L’engagement d’un dialogue national ouvert avec la société civile indépendante sur les enjeux liés à la sécurité, à la justice et aux libertés. - Permettre un accès effectif à l’information législative et garantir la publication anticipée des projets de loi pour permettre un débat public éclairé. - Respecter pleinement les engagements internationaux de l’Algérie, notamment ceux découlant du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques, des engagements issue de l’Examen Périodique Universel du pays de 2021, des recommandations du Comité des droits de l’homme des Nations Unies en 2018 et celles formulées par les rapporteurs spéciaux des Nations Unies sur la liberté d’association et sur la situation des défenseur⋅e⋅s des droits humains à la suite de leur visite en Algérie en 2023, qui préconisent la mise en œuvre d’une réforme législative fondée sur un dialogue réel avec la société civile indépendante, afin de garantir un environnement libre, pluraliste et respectueux des droits humains.]]> L'Observatoire pour la protection des défenseurs des droits humains (FIDH-OMCT), ainsi que les organisations signataires, alertent sur la modification du Code de procédure pénale et la nouvelle loi sur la mobilisation générale, adoptées sans consultation de la société civile. Ces textes fragilisent les garanties du droit à un procès équitable, ouvrent la voie à des détentions arbitraires et confèrent à l'exécutif des pouvoirs exceptionnels, risquant ainsi des dérives contraires aux engagements internationaux du pays en matière de droits humains. 11 juillet 2025 - Les organisations signataires expriment leur vive préoccupation suite à l’adoption, ce mardi 8 juillet 2025 par le Parlement algérien, de deux textes législatifs majeurs : la modification du Code de procédure pénale et la promulgation d’une nouvelle loi relative à la mobilisation générale. Ces évolutions interviennent dans un contexte de fermeture accrue de l’espace civique et sans consultation ouverte et transparente avec les acteur⋅ice⋅es concernés, notamment les organisations de la société civile. La modification du Code de procédure pénale introduit des dispositions qui fragilisent les garanties du droit à un procès équitable. Il autorise notamment la prolongation de la garde a vue sans autorisation du juge après la clôture de l’enquête par la police judiciaire, ce qui constitue une atteinte grave aux droits de la défense et ouvre la voie a des détentions arbitraires sans base légale claire. La possibilité du recours a la visioconférence lors des procès est élargie, sans nécessiter le consentement de la personne poursuivie, ce qui compromet les principes de l’oralité des débats et du contradictoire et empêche une appréciation directe des éléments de preuve par le juge et constitue également une atteinte aux droits de la défense. Par ailleurs, la reforme introduit des mesures attentatoires à la liberté de circulation, notamment à travers l’interdiction de quitter le territoire national décidée par le procureur sur la base d’un rapport de la police judiciaire dans le cadre d’une enquête ouverte, sans possibilité de recours effectif en cas de refus du procureur de lever cette interdiction, ce qui ouvre la voie a une application arbitraire et a des restrictions disproportionnées des libertés individuelles. Quant à la loi sur la mobilisation générale, il s’agit d’un nouveau texte législatif aux formulations vagues, qui confère à l’exécutif des prérogatives exceptionnelles en matière de réquisition, de contrôle des biens et des personnes, et de mobilisation des ressources civiles et militaires, sans contrepoids institutionnel suffisant. Dans un État de droit, toute réforme d’une telle ampleur devrait faire l’objet d’un débat parlementaire approfondi, d’une large concertation nationale, et d’un examen substantiel et non expéditif de la conformité des textes avec la Constitution algérienne et les engagements internationaux de l’Algérie en matière de droits humains. En conséquence, les organisations signataires appellent le gouvernement algérien à : Abroger les textes adoptés à la lumière des principes constitutionnels et des instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits humains ratifiés par l’Algérie. - Garantir un cadre participatif, transparent et pluraliste pour toute réforme législative ayant un impact sur les libertés fondamentales. - S’abstenir de toute utilisation de ces nouvelles dispositions à des fins de restriction de l’espace civique ou de répression de l’action pacifique des citoyen⋅ne⋅s, des journalistes, des syndicalistes et des défenseur⋅es des droits humains. - Préciser clairement les conditions, les limites et les garanties relatives à l’application de la loi sur la mobilisation générale, en particulier en matière de respect des droits fondamentaux. - L’engagement d’un dialogue national ouvert avec la société civile indépendante sur les enjeux liés à la sécurité, à la justice et aux libertés. - Permettre un accès effectif à l’information législative et garantir la publication anticipée des projets de loi pour permettre un débat public éclairé. - Respecter pleinement les engagements internationaux de l’Algérie, notamment ceux découlant du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques, des engagements issue de l’Examen Périodique Universel du pays de 2021, des recommandations du Comité des droits de l’homme des Nations Unies en 2018 et celles formulées par les rapporteurs spéciaux des Nations Unies sur la liberté d’association et sur la situation des défenseur⋅e⋅s des droits humains à la suite de leur visite en Algérie en 2023, qui préconisent la mise en œuvre d’une réforme législative fondée sur un dialogue réel avec la société civile indépendante, afin de garantir un environnement libre, pluraliste et respectueux des droits humains.]]> Ethiopia: New draft law threatens to dismantle civil society https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/ethiopia-new-draft-law-threatens-to-dismantle-civil-society/ Wed, 02 Jul 2025 15:55:00 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=23692 The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT) expresses grave concern over a newly proposed proclamation that, if passed, would significantly restrict the independence, operations, and survival of civil society organisations (CSOs) in Ethiopia. This draft legislation represents a major step backwards for civic space in the country, undermining the rights to freedom of association, expression, and access to justice. Paris - Geneva, 2 July 2025 – The Ethiopian Authority for Civil Society Organisations (ACSO) has reportedly drafted a new proclamation that would dramatically tighten state control over the work and funding of CSOs. The proposed amendments grant sweeping powers to the Ministry of Justice and ACSO to intervene in the internal affairs of independent organisations, impose heavy administrative burdens, and arbitrarily restrict access to funding—particularly for groups engaged in democratic advocacy or election-related work. Under the draft:

The governance of CSOs will fall under direct state control, with 5 of 7 board members appointed by the Ministry of Justice, including the chairperson.
The Ministry will have the power to suspend or dissolve organisations deemed a “threat to national security,” without clear definitions or independent judicial oversight.
International and diaspora funding for local CSOs working on political advocacy, voter education, or election observation will be banned, cutting off critical support for democratic engagement.
Administrative sanctions—ranging from suspension to license revocation—can be imposed for vague or minor infractions, including failure to update the authority on office address changes or delays in financial reporting.
CSOs will be required to report all funding within 15 days, obtain pre-approval to open bank accounts, and may have their bank accounts frozen during investigations.
Judicial appeals are eliminated, with the ACSO board serving as the final authority, undermining the right to a fair and independent review process.

These provisions, if enacted, would amount to a de facto criminalisation of independent civil society in Ethiopia. The space for public interest organisations, especially those working on human rights, democracy, and governance, would be further narrowed, and dissenting voices effectively silenced. This proposed legislation comes against the backdrop of a broader and deepening crackdown on civic space in Ethiopia. In 2024 alone, over 1,500 organisations were reportedly shut down for administrative non-compliance, often linked to resource constraints and systemic barriers rather than deliberate wrongdoing. Many of these organisations were small, community-based, and underfunded, already struggling to meet reporting obligations under the previous legal framework. The Observatory strongly condemns this legislative regression and urges the Ethiopian authorities to:

Immediately halt the adoption of the proposed proclamation and engage in inclusive consultations with civil society actors.
Guarantee the independence and freedom of operation of CSOs, in line with Ethiopia’s obligations under its Constitution and international human rights instruments, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Ensure access to independent judicial review for any punitive measures taken against CSOs.

The Observatory also calls on Ethiopia’s international and regional partners to:

Engage the Ethiopian authorities in urgent diplomatic dialogue to reject the proposed restrictions and support civic space.
Publicly denounce the escalating repression of civil society and advocate for protection mechanisms for human rights defenders.
Provide technical and financial assistance to Ethiopian CSOs working under threat, including flexible funding and emergency support.

The governance of CSOs will fall under direct state control, with 5 of 7 board members appointed by the Ministry of Justice, including the chairperson.
The Ministry will have the power to suspend or dissolve organisations deemed a “threat to national security,” without clear definitions or independent judicial oversight.
International and diaspora funding for local CSOs working on political advocacy, voter education, or election observation will be banned, cutting off critical support for democratic engagement.
Administrative sanctions—ranging from suspension to license revocation—can be imposed for vague or minor infractions, including failure to update the authority on office address changes or delays in financial reporting.
CSOs will be required to report all funding within 15 days, obtain pre-approval to open bank accounts, and may have their bank accounts frozen during investigations.
Judicial appeals are eliminated, with the ACSO board serving as the final authority, undermining the right to a fair and independent review process.

Immediately halt the adoption of the proposed proclamation and engage in inclusive consultations with civil society actors.
Guarantee the independence and freedom of operation of CSOs, in line with Ethiopia’s obligations under its Constitution and international human rights instruments, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
Ensure access to independent judicial review for any punitive measures taken against CSOs.

The Observatory also calls on Ethiopia’s international and regional partners to:

Engage the Ethiopian authorities in urgent diplomatic dialogue to reject the proposed restrictions and support civic space.
Publicly denounce the escalating repression of civil society and advocate for protection mechanisms for human rights defenders.
Provide technical and financial assistance to Ethiopian CSOs working under threat, including flexible funding and emergency support.

Signatories The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (the Observatory) was created in 1997 by FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). The objective of this programme is to prevent or remedy situations of repression against human rights defenders. FIDH and OMCT are both members of ProtectDefenders.eu, the European Union Human Rights Defenders Mechanism implemented by international civil society.]]> El Salvador: La nueva ley de agentes extranjeros amenaza los derechos y libertades de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil y los medios de comunicación https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/el-salvador-la-nueva-ley-de-agentes-extranjeros-amenaza-los-derechos-y-libertades-de-las-organizaciones-de-la-sociedad-civil-y-los-medios-de-comunicacion/ Fri, 13 Jun 2025 16:57:01 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=23644 Las organizaciones abajo firmantes, junto con el Observatorio para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos (FIDH-OMCT), condenamos la introducción de la nueva Ley de Agentes Extranjeros. Esta legislación socava significativamente el trabajo esencial de la sociedad civil. Hacemos un llamado al Estado de El Salvador para que derogue esta ley y garantice el pleno cumplimiento de sus obligaciones internacionales en materia de derechos humanos. 13 de junio 2025 - En el contexto del grave retroceso en materia de derechos humanos, del debilitamiento del Estado de derecho y del desmantelamiento de los controles institucionales en El Salvador, la Asamblea Legislativa, controlada en gran medida por el partido Nuevas Ideas del presidente Bukele, aprobó una Ley de Agentes Extranjeros sin debate público. La ley pretende promover la «transparencia» sobre la influencia de actores extranjeros en la opinión pública y salvaguardar la seguridad, la soberanía nacional y la estabilidad social y política del país. Sin embargo, la ley ofrece a las autoridades estatales la oportunidad de controlar y sancionar a los grupos de derechos humanos y a los medios de comunicación que han denunciado la corrupción, las violaciones de los derechos humanos y las prácticas autoritarias del presidente Bukele. Al hacerlo, la ley viola los derechos a la libertad de asociación, la libertad de expresión, la libertad de prensa y el derecho a defender los derechos humanos. Leyes similares se han utilizado en Rusia, Nicaragua y Venezuela para controlar y neutralizar a las organizaciones y los medios de comunicación independientes. La ley exige que las personas y organizaciones que reciben financiación internacional, directa o indirectamente, se registren como «agentes extranjeros» en un Registro de Agentes Extranjeros (RAEX) de reciente creación dependiente del Ministerio del Interior. La ley define de manera amplia los agentes extranjeros como cualquier persona u organización que «responda a intereses, esté controlada o financiada, directa o indirectamente, por un mandante extranjero». Un mandante extranjero es cualquier persona u organización con sede en el extranjero, incluyendo un gobierno, un partido político o una organización, así como cualquier entidad así determinada por el RAEX. Con una definición amplia y la discrecionalidad del RAEX, el Registro puede utilizar este poder de manera arbitraria. Una vez registrados, cada transacción financiera de los fondos de los mandantes extranjeros está sujeta a un impuesto del 30 %. La ley no aclara si el impuesto actual del 10 % sobre las donaciones se sumará a este nuevo impuesto, lo que aumentaría aún más la carga financiera y la haría comparable a una confiscación de facto, poniendo en peligro la propia existencia y viabilidad de las organizaciones y los medios de comunicación independientes en el país. En términos vagos y ambiguos, la Ley prohíbe a los denominados agentes extranjeros realizar actividades con fines políticos «u otros» que tengan por objetivo alterar el orden público o amenazar la estabilidad social y política del país. Estos agentes deben utilizar los fondos para fines específicos articulados ante el RAEX y no pueden recibir donaciones anónimas. Entre las amplias facultades del RAEX, se encuentran las siguientes: - eximir a determinadas organizaciones del impuesto sin establecer parámetros claros. Esto puede dar lugar a un trato desigual, recompensando o castigando a las entidades en función de su relación con el Gobierno. - establecer nuevos requisitos u obligaciones para los agentes extranjeros y nuevos procedimientos administrativos. - imponer sanciones. En caso de incumplimiento de la obligación de registro, el RAEX puede congelar las cuentas bancarias, impedir el ejercicio de las actividades, de forma temporal o permanente, y suspender o cancelar la personalidad jurídica o el registro de las organizaciones. El incumplimiento de las disposiciones de la LAEX también puede dar lugar a multas que oscilan entre 100 000 y 250 000 dólares. Las acciones que dan lugar a multas o sanciones no están claramente enumeradas, lo que podría dar lugar a una imposición arbitraria. La ley abre la puerta al enjuiciamiento penal por incumplimiento de las prohibiciones y de la ley contra el blanqueo de capitales. Se dirige contra las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, especialmente las que defienden los derechos humanos, y los medios de comunicación, al intentar controlar y limitar las actividades que se consideran una amenaza para el Gobierno. Además, la amplia autoridad del RAEX para supervisar y regular las actividades de los agentes extranjeros, junto con el lenguaje ambiguo de la ley y la ausencia de definiciones jurídicas claras, crea riesgos significativos de injerencia gubernamental en las operaciones de las entidades privadas. Por ejemplo, la facultad de revocar la personalidad jurídica de una ONG sin supervisión judicial, basándose en motivos vagos como alterar el orden público o amenazar la estabilidad social y política, supone una grave amenaza para las organizaciones que no se alinean con los intereses del Gobierno. Esta disposición podría utilizarse para atacar a las organizaciones disidentes o independientes, al tiempo que se refuerza a las que están alineadas con las autoridades. Por estas razones, las organizaciones abajo firmantes instan:

A la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA) a condenar esta legislación y a convocar un consejo permanente urgente para abordar el retroceso democrático en El Salvador;
Al Congreso de los Estados Unidos a instar a la administración Trump a no apoyar medidas que socaven el trabajo de la sociedad civil y personas defensoras;
A la Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) a condenar la ley de agentes extranjeros de El Salvador y llamar al Estado a derogar la ley y cumplir con sus obligaciones internacionales; y
A la OEA y ONU a pronunciarse sobre la proliferación de este tipo de normativas en la región y su impacto negativo sobre la sociedad civil.

]]> Las organizaciones abajo firmantes, junto con el Observatorio para la Protección de los Derechos Humanos (FIDH-OMCT), condenamos la introducción de la nueva Ley de Agentes Extranjeros. Esta legislación socava significativamente el trabajo esencial de la sociedad civil. Hacemos un llamado al Estado de El Salvador para que derogue esta ley y garantice el pleno cumplimiento de sus obligaciones internacionales en materia de derechos humanos. 13 de junio 2025 - En el contexto del grave retroceso en materia de derechos humanos, del debilitamiento del Estado de derecho y del desmantelamiento de los controles institucionales en El Salvador, la Asamblea Legislativa, controlada en gran medida por el partido Nuevas Ideas del presidente Bukele, aprobó una Ley de Agentes Extranjeros sin debate público. La ley pretende promover la «transparencia» sobre la influencia de actores extranjeros en la opinión pública y salvaguardar la seguridad, la soberanía nacional y la estabilidad social y política del país. Sin embargo, la ley ofrece a las autoridades estatales la oportunidad de controlar y sancionar a los grupos de derechos humanos y a los medios de comunicación que han denunciado la corrupción, las violaciones de los derechos humanos y las prácticas autoritarias del presidente Bukele. Al hacerlo, la ley viola los derechos a la libertad de asociación, la libertad de expresión, la libertad de prensa y el derecho a defender los derechos humanos. Leyes similares se han utilizado en Rusia, Nicaragua y Venezuela para controlar y neutralizar a las organizaciones y los medios de comunicación independientes. La ley exige que las personas y organizaciones que reciben financiación internacional, directa o indirectamente, se registren como «agentes extranjeros» en un Registro de Agentes Extranjeros (RAEX) de reciente creación dependiente del Ministerio del Interior. La ley define de manera amplia los agentes extranjeros como cualquier persona u organización que «responda a intereses, esté controlada o financiada, directa o indirectamente, por un mandante extranjero». Un mandante extranjero es cualquier persona u organización con sede en el extranjero, incluyendo un gobierno, un partido político o una organización, así como cualquier entidad así determinada por el RAEX. Con una definición amplia y la discrecionalidad del RAEX, el Registro puede utilizar este poder de manera arbitraria. Una vez registrados, cada transacción financiera de los fondos de los mandantes extranjeros está sujeta a un impuesto del 30 %. La ley no aclara si el impuesto actual del 10 % sobre las donaciones se sumará a este nuevo impuesto, lo que aumentaría aún más la carga financiera y la haría comparable a una confiscación de facto, poniendo en peligro la propia existencia y viabilidad de las organizaciones y los medios de comunicación independientes en el país. En términos vagos y ambiguos, la Ley prohíbe a los denominados agentes extranjeros realizar actividades con fines políticos «u otros» que tengan por objetivo alterar el orden público o amenazar la estabilidad social y política del país. Estos agentes deben utilizar los fondos para fines específicos articulados ante el RAEX y no pueden recibir donaciones anónimas. Entre las amplias facultades del RAEX, se encuentran las siguientes: - eximir a determinadas organizaciones del impuesto sin establecer parámetros claros. Esto puede dar lugar a un trato desigual, recompensando o castigando a las entidades en función de su relación con el Gobierno. - establecer nuevos requisitos u obligaciones para los agentes extranjeros y nuevos procedimientos administrativos. - imponer sanciones. En caso de incumplimiento de la obligación de registro, el RAEX puede congelar las cuentas bancarias, impedir el ejercicio de las actividades, de forma temporal o permanente, y suspender o cancelar la personalidad jurídica o el registro de las organizaciones. El incumplimiento de las disposiciones de la LAEX también puede dar lugar a multas que oscilan entre 100 000 y 250 000 dólares. Las acciones que dan lugar a multas o sanciones no están claramente enumeradas, lo que podría dar lugar a una imposición arbitraria. La ley abre la puerta al enjuiciamiento penal por incumplimiento de las prohibiciones y de la ley contra el blanqueo de capitales. Se dirige contra las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, especialmente las que defienden los derechos humanos, y los medios de comunicación, al intentar controlar y limitar las actividades que se consideran una amenaza para el Gobierno. Además, la amplia autoridad del RAEX para supervisar y regular las actividades de los agentes extranjeros, junto con el lenguaje ambiguo de la ley y la ausencia de definiciones jurídicas claras, crea riesgos significativos de injerencia gubernamental en las operaciones de las entidades privadas. Por ejemplo, la facultad de revocar la personalidad jurídica de una ONG sin supervisión judicial, basándose en motivos vagos como alterar el orden público o amenazar la estabilidad social y política, supone una grave amenaza para las organizaciones que no se alinean con los intereses del Gobierno. Esta disposición podría utilizarse para atacar a las organizaciones disidentes o independientes, al tiempo que se refuerza a las que están alineadas con las autoridades. Por estas razones, las organizaciones abajo firmantes instan:

A la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA) a condenar esta legislación y a convocar un consejo permanente urgente para abordar el retroceso democrático en El Salvador;
Al Congreso de los Estados Unidos a instar a la administración Trump a no apoyar medidas que socaven el trabajo de la sociedad civil y personas defensoras;
A la Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) a condenar la ley de agentes extranjeros de El Salvador y llamar al Estado a derogar la ley y cumplir con sus obligaciones internacionales; y
A la OEA y ONU a pronunciarse sobre la proliferación de este tipo de normativas en la región y su impacto negativo sobre la sociedad civil.

]]> Hungary: Open letter to the European Commission calling for the withdrawal the “Transparency of Public Life” bill https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/hungary-open-letter-to-the-european-commission-calling-for-the-withdrawal-the-transparency-of-public-life-bill/ Fri, 23 May 2025 17:14:39 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=23508 On 13 May 2025, Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party submitted the Transparency of Public Life bill, which poses a significant threat to democratic principles and civil society in Hungary. Civil society and human rights organisations, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT), have issued a joint letter urging the European Commission to take action to ensure the bill’s withdrawal. President Ursula von der Leyen President of the European Commission Commissioner Michael McGrath Commissioner for Democracy, Justice, the Rule of Law, and Consumer Protection 22 May 2025 Dear President von der Leyen, Dear Commissioner McGrath, On 13 May, 2025, a member of Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party, submitted a new bill entitled the Transparency of Public Life, which would enable the government to target, defund and dissolve any organisation it designates as “a threat to Hungarian sovereignty”. Labelled “Operation Starve and Strangle” by civil society organisations, the bill, if adopted, would provide the government with the final tools to effectively and completely silence the remaining independent voices in Hungary. Ahead of the 2026 parliamentary elections, it is a stark warning. In a long series of actions that have served to dismantle the operation of basic elements of the rule of law, this bill is the most brazen attempt yet and demands immediate action utilising ongoing infringement proceedings, funding conditionality and the Article 7 TEU process. The bill, which was not open to public consultation, targets organisations along four main axes: Foreign funding targeted through extended powers of the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO): the bill would require the SPO to propose a list of organisations that use foreign funding to “influence public life”. The final list would then be decided by decree of the government. “Influencing public life” is not clearly defined and therefore fails to comply with the principle of legality, depriving organisations from the necessary precision to regulate their conduct and potentially exposing them to arbitrariness. Once listed, an organisation would only be able to accept foreign support with the prior authorisation of the competent authority. Exclusion from domestic funding: listed organisations would be barred from accessing the domestic 1% tax donation scheme. An additional burden would also be placed on all Hungarian donors, requiring them to secure two witnesses to confirm their funding is not from abroad. Misuse of the Anti-Money Laundering (AML) provisions: the bill would make it mandatory for the Tax Authority and credit institutions to scrutinise every foreign funding transaction based on whether they anticipate the funding will be used to “influence public life.” It would also permit credit institutions to transfer foreign funding to the state-owned National Cooperation Fund. Managers of “excluded organisations” would fall under the category of “politically exposed persons” subjecting them to AML and terrorist financing laws despite not being required under European Union (EU) and global AML laws. Decisions without due process: each step raises serious due process concerns. The government would issue the list of the affected organisations in a normative act (decree) depriving them from judicial oversight and preventing them from seeking redress. The right to appeal other decisions under the law is significantly narrowed – including decisions such as freezing an organisation’s bank account or issuing bans that prevent listed organisations from further activities to “influence public life”. The bill would apply to all organisations in receipt of foreign funding, including private donations from within the EU and grants from the EU institutions, from civil society and media organisations to private companies and possibly even political parties. However, only those included on the list compiled on political grounds would be affected. The bill is in clear violation of EU law, including the free movement of capital, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the right to freedom of expression, association, the right to effective judicial protection and the right to protection of private life protected under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It is reminiscent of, but goes far beyond, the 2017 Law on the Transparency of Organisations Receiving Foreign Funding, which was found in 2020 to be incompatible with EU law by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). This is the latest element in a complete and systematic breakdown of the rule of law since 2012, including the failure to effectively comply with court judgments and the continued use of rule by decree. It also compounds the most recent amendments, just one month ago, to the Fundamental Law attacking the LGBTIQ+ community and restricting freedom of peaceful assembly. We urge you to take the following immediate steps:

Immediately request the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) to grant interim measures in the ongoing infringement procedure on the Law on the Defence of National Sovereignty (Case C-829/24). The Sovereignty Protection Office is crucial to the new bill and therefore this is an imminent and effective way to halt the progress and impact of the bill. Cognizant of the impending danger, the European Parliament and civil society have been calling for this step since 2024. Interim measures are designed to prevent irreparable harm — in this case, the effective paralysis of civil society organisations, independent media and dissenting voices – and with this new development comprehensive interim measures should be requested immediately.

At the same time, call on the Hungarian government to withdraw the bill and if unsuccessful, open a new infringement procedure on new violations that are not linked to the ongoing case on the Defence of National Sovereignty.

gives the government “a threat to Hungarian sovereignty”.

With the forthcoming Article 7 hearing on Hungary on 27 May 2025 and recognising the escalation of a systematic breakdown of the rule of law, support the Council of the EU to move to a vote on Article 7(1).

This new bill represents a severe and existential threat to democratic principles, human rights and the rule of law in Hungary and in the EU as a whole. If the existing tools are not effectively deployed, we risk an unravelling of the rules on which the EU was founded and a clear step towards authoritarian practices. We call on you to stand in solidarity with Hungarian civil society and their counterparts across the region and remain available to provide additional information and support. Yours sincerely,]]> On 13 May 2025, Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party submitted the Transparency of Public Life bill, which poses a significant threat to democratic principles and civil society in Hungary. Civil society and human rights organisations, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT), have issued a joint letter urging the European Commission to take action to ensure the bill’s withdrawal. President Ursula von der Leyen President of the European Commission Commissioner Michael McGrath Commissioner for Democracy, Justice, the Rule of Law, and Consumer Protection 22 May 2025 Dear President von der Leyen, Dear Commissioner McGrath, On 13 May, 2025, a member of Hungary’s ruling Fidesz party, submitted a new bill entitled the Transparency of Public Life, which would enable the government to target, defund and dissolve any organisation it designates as “a threat to Hungarian sovereignty”. Labelled “Operation Starve and Strangle” by civil society organisations, the bill, if adopted, would provide the government with the final tools to effectively and completely silence the remaining independent voices in Hungary. Ahead of the 2026 parliamentary elections, it is a stark warning. In a long series of actions that have served to dismantle the operation of basic elements of the rule of law, this bill is the most brazen attempt yet and demands immediate action utilising ongoing infringement proceedings, funding conditionality and the Article 7 TEU process. The bill, which was not open to public consultation, targets organisations along four main axes: Foreign funding targeted through extended powers of the Sovereignty Protection Office (SPO): the bill would require the SPO to propose a list of organisations that use foreign funding to “influence public life”. The final list would then be decided by decree of the government. “Influencing public life” is not clearly defined and therefore fails to comply with the principle of legality, depriving organisations from the necessary precision to regulate their conduct and potentially exposing them to arbitrariness. Once listed, an organisation would only be able to accept foreign support with the prior authorisation of the competent authority. Exclusion from domestic funding: listed organisations would be barred from accessing the domestic 1% tax donation scheme. An additional burden would also be placed on all Hungarian donors, requiring them to secure two witnesses to confirm their funding is not from abroad. Misuse of the Anti-Money Laundering (AML) provisions: the bill would make it mandatory for the Tax Authority and credit institutions to scrutinise every foreign funding transaction based on whether they anticipate the funding will be used to “influence public life.” It would also permit credit institutions to transfer foreign funding to the state-owned National Cooperation Fund. Managers of “excluded organisations” would fall under the category of “politically exposed persons” subjecting them to AML and terrorist financing laws despite not being required under European Union (EU) and global AML laws. Decisions without due process: each step raises serious due process concerns. The government would issue the list of the affected organisations in a normative act (decree) depriving them from judicial oversight and preventing them from seeking redress. The right to appeal other decisions under the law is significantly narrowed – including decisions such as freezing an organisation’s bank account or issuing bans that prevent listed organisations from further activities to “influence public life”. The bill would apply to all organisations in receipt of foreign funding, including private donations from within the EU and grants from the EU institutions, from civil society and media organisations to private companies and possibly even political parties. However, only those included on the list compiled on political grounds would be affected. The bill is in clear violation of EU law, including the free movement of capital, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the right to freedom of expression, association, the right to effective judicial protection and the right to protection of private life protected under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It is reminiscent of, but goes far beyond, the 2017 Law on the Transparency of Organisations Receiving Foreign Funding, which was found in 2020 to be incompatible with EU law by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). This is the latest element in a complete and systematic breakdown of the rule of law since 2012, including the failure to effectively comply with court judgments and the continued use of rule by decree. It also compounds the most recent amendments, just one month ago, to the Fundamental Law attacking the LGBTIQ+ community and restricting freedom of peaceful assembly. We urge you to take the following immediate steps:

Immediately request the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) to grant interim measures in the ongoing infringement procedure on the Law on the Defence of National Sovereignty (Case C-829/24). The Sovereignty Protection Office is crucial to the new bill and therefore this is an imminent and effective way to halt the progress and impact of the bill. Cognizant of the impending danger, the European Parliament and civil society have been calling for this step since 2024. Interim measures are designed to prevent irreparable harm — in this case, the effective paralysis of civil society organisations, independent media and dissenting voices – and with this new development comprehensive interim measures should be requested immediately.

At the same time, call on the Hungarian government to withdraw the bill and if unsuccessful, open a new infringement procedure on new violations that are not linked to the ongoing case on the Defence of National Sovereignty.

gives the government “a threat to Hungarian sovereignty”.

With the forthcoming Article 7 hearing on Hungary on 27 May 2025 and recognising the escalation of a systematic breakdown of the rule of law, support the Council of the EU to move to a vote on Article 7(1).