https://observatoryfordefenders.org Mon, 24 Aug 2026 10:15:00 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=7.1 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png https://observatoryfordefenders.org 32 32 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/thailand-lese-majeste-conviction-and-prison-sentence-of-arnon-nampa-upheld-by-the-court-of-appeals/ Tue, 04 Aug 2026 08:25:54 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=25039 THA 002 / 0923 / OBS 038.9 Sentencing / Arbitrary detention / Judicial harassment/ Restriction to freedom of expression/ Restriction to peaceful assembly Thailand 4 August 2026 The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), has received new information and requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Thailand. New information: The Observatory has been informed about the lèse-majesté conviction and prison sentence imposed on Mr Arnon Nampa, a prominent pro-democracy activist, human rights lawyer, and recipient of the 2025 Front Line Defenders Award for Human Rights Defenders at Risk, who has been arbitrarily imprisoned since 26 September 2023 at the Bangkok Remand Prison. On 16 July 2026, the Court of Appeals Region 5 in Chiang Mai Province upheld the Chiang Mai Provincial Court’s conviction of Arnon Nampa and his two-year prison sentence under Article 112 (“lèse-majesté”) of the Criminal Code. The Court of Appeals concurred with the Chiang Mai Provincial Court’s reasoning that Mr Arnon’s speech constituted defamation of King Rama X. The charges stemmed from a speech he delivered during a protest organised by pro-democracy students in front of the Chiang Mai University Art Center on 23 November 2020. In his speech, which called for democratic reforms of the Thai monarchy, Arnon Nampa criticised the transfer of public property into the private ownership of King Rama X. On 27 March 2025, the Chiang Mai Provincial Court sentenced him to three years’ imprisonment, reducing it to two years because he had provided "valuable testimony" during the trial. This is the first ruling in a lèse-majesté case issued by a Court of Appeals in one of Arnon Nampa's 14 lèse-majesté cases, which add up to a cumulative prison sentence to 31 years, 9 months, and 20 days. The Observatory recalls that Arnon Nampa has been arbitrarily detained at the Bangkok Remand Prison since his first lèse-majesté conviction on 26 September 2023. Since then, Arnon Nampa has been convicted in 11 separate cases under Article 112 and sentenced repeatedly in connection with social media posts and speeches delivered during peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations between 2020 and 2021. The Observatory recently condemned his eleventh conviction and prison sentence, imposed by the Bangkok Criminal Court on 20 February 2026, under which he received a four-year prison sentence that was reduced to two years and eight months. All of his bail applications and appeals against bail denial orders have been rejected. Throughout the proceedings, Arnon Nampa has consistently denied the charges, maintaining that his speech and remarks constituted legitimate and constructive criticism protected under his right to freedom of expression. In addition to the lèse-majesté prosecutions, Arnon Nampa was sentenced in March 2025 by the Thanyaburi Provincial Court in Pathumthani Province to nine months in prison for violation of Article 116 of the Criminal Code (sedition) in connection with a speech delivered during a protest at Thammasat University (Rangsit Campus), Pathumthani Province. In the same month, he was also convicted of contempt of court by the Bangkok Criminal Court after removing his shirt in the courtroom to protest the court’s unprecedented decision to hold his sixth lèse-majesté trial in secret. The Observatory recalls that Arnon Nampa is currently facing legal proceedings in three additional lèse-majesté cases. On 30 August 2024, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) found Arnon Nampa’s detention to be “arbitrary” and urged the Thai government to release him “immediately” and “accord him an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations”. This opinion was issued in response to a petition filed jointly by the Observatory and Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) on 5 March 2024. The Observatory also notes that, on 8 July 2026, Thailand’s House of Representatives passed an amnesty covering victims of political prosecution between 2005 and 2025. The bill will be submitted to the Prime Minister before being presented to the King for royal assent. However, it explicitly excludes individuals charged or prosecuted for lèse-majesté, such as Arnon Nampa and 281 others, including many human rights defenders and 20 minors. The Observatory strongly condemns the upholding of Arnon Nampa’s conviction and prison sentence, his continued arbitrary detention, and the persistent judicial harassment against him. These actions appear to be solely intended to punish him for his legitimate human rights work and for the peaceful exercise of his rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. The Observatory calls on the Thai authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Arnon Nampa and all other arbitrarily detained human rights defenders in Thailand, and to put an end to all forms of judicial harassment against them.]]> THA 002 / 0923 / OBS 038.9 Sentencing / Arbitrary detention / Judicial harassment/ Restriction to freedom of expression/ Restriction to peaceful assembly Thailand 4 August 2026 The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), has received new information and requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Thailand. New information: The Observatory has been informed about the lèse-majesté conviction and prison sentence imposed on Mr Arnon Nampa, a prominent pro-democracy activist, human rights lawyer, and recipient of the 2025 Front Line Defenders Award for Human Rights Defenders at Risk, who has been arbitrarily imprisoned since 26 September 2023 at the Bangkok Remand Prison. On 16 July 2026, the Court of Appeals Region 5 in Chiang Mai Province upheld the Chiang Mai Provincial Court’s conviction of Arnon Nampa and his two-year prison sentence under Article 112 (“lèse-majesté”) of the Criminal Code. The Court of Appeals concurred with the Chiang Mai Provincial Court’s reasoning that Mr Arnon’s speech constituted defamation of King Rama X. The charges stemmed from a speech he delivered during a protest organised by pro-democracy students in front of the Chiang Mai University Art Center on 23 November 2020. In his speech, which called for democratic reforms of the Thai monarchy, Arnon Nampa criticised the transfer of public property into the private ownership of King Rama X. On 27 March 2025, the Chiang Mai Provincial Court sentenced him to three years’ imprisonment, reducing it to two years because he had provided "valuable testimony" during the trial. This is the first ruling in a lèse-majesté case issued by a Court of Appeals in one of Arnon Nampa's 14 lèse-majesté cases, which add up to a cumulative prison sentence to 31 years, 9 months, and 20 days. The Observatory recalls that Arnon Nampa has been arbitrarily detained at the Bangkok Remand Prison since his first lèse-majesté conviction on 26 September 2023. Since then, Arnon Nampa has been convicted in 11 separate cases under Article 112 and sentenced repeatedly in connection with social media posts and speeches delivered during peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations between 2020 and 2021. The Observatory recently condemned his eleventh conviction and prison sentence, imposed by the Bangkok Criminal Court on 20 February 2026, under which he received a four-year prison sentence that was reduced to two years and eight months. All of his bail applications and appeals against bail denial orders have been rejected. Throughout the proceedings, Arnon Nampa has consistently denied the charges, maintaining that his speech and remarks constituted legitimate and constructive criticism protected under his right to freedom of expression. In addition to the lèse-majesté prosecutions, Arnon Nampa was sentenced in March 2025 by the Thanyaburi Provincial Court in Pathumthani Province to nine months in prison for violation of Article 116 of the Criminal Code (sedition) in connection with a speech delivered during a protest at Thammasat University (Rangsit Campus), Pathumthani Province. In the same month, he was also convicted of contempt of court by the Bangkok Criminal Court after removing his shirt in the courtroom to protest the court’s unprecedented decision to hold his sixth lèse-majesté trial in secret. The Observatory recalls that Arnon Nampa is currently facing legal proceedings in three additional lèse-majesté cases. On 30 August 2024, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) found Arnon Nampa’s detention to be “arbitrary” and urged the Thai government to release him “immediately” and “accord him an enforceable right to compensation and other reparations”. This opinion was issued in response to a petition filed jointly by the Observatory and Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) on 5 March 2024. The Observatory also notes that, on 8 July 2026, Thailand’s House of Representatives passed an amnesty covering victims of political prosecution between 2005 and 2025. The bill will be submitted to the Prime Minister before being presented to the King for royal assent. However, it explicitly excludes individuals charged or prosecuted for lèse-majesté, such as Arnon Nampa and 281 others, including many human rights defenders and 20 minors. The Observatory strongly condemns the upholding of Arnon Nampa’s conviction and prison sentence, his continued arbitrary detention, and the persistent judicial harassment against him. These actions appear to be solely intended to punish him for his legitimate human rights work and for the peaceful exercise of his rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. The Observatory calls on the Thai authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Arnon Nampa and all other arbitrarily detained human rights defenders in Thailand, and to put an end to all forms of judicial harassment against them.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/maroc-detention-arbitraire-et-harcelement-judiciaire-du-cineaste-et-rappeur-el-mahdi-lyoubi-en-lien-avec-son-travail-artistique-et-son-soutien-au-mouvement-genz-212/ Thu, 30 Jul 2026 10:10:13 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=25203 El Mahdi Lyoubi, connu sous le nom de scène “Mehdi Black Wind”, cinéaste, réalisateur documentariste, musicien et défenseur des droits humains marocain, actuellement placé en détention provisoire à la prison d’Oukacha à Casablanca. Le 10 juillet 2026, alors qu’il s’apprêtait à embarquer à l’aéroport de Rabat pour rentrer à Marseille à l’issue d’une visite familiale et de repérages pour son prochain film documentaire, El Mahdi Lyoubi a vu son passeport tamponné avant d’être intercepté par un policier qui lui a notifié une interdiction de quitter le territoire marocain, sans la moindre explication. Conduit au commissariat de Salé, il a reçu une convocation à se présenter le lundi 13 juillet à la Brigade nationale de la police judiciaire (BNPJ) de Casablanca. Cette convocation ne précisait ni les motifs de l’enquête ni l’identité de l’officier en charge du dossier. Le 13 juillet 2026, El Mahdi Lyoubi a été interrogé tout au long de la journée à la BNPJ, puis placé en garde à vue le soir même. Sa famille n’a été informée de son arrestation que tardivement dans la soirée. Le 15 juillet 2026, El Mahdi Lyoubi a été présenté au procureur, qui l’a placé en détention provisoire et l’a déféré en comparution immédiate devant le tribunal correctionnel de Casablanca. Sa famille et ses proches n’ont appris que dans l’après-midi qu’il comparaîtrait devant le tribunal le jour même. L’audience a constitué la première occasion pour sa famille et ses soutiens, présents en nombre, de le voir depuis son placement en garde à vue. El Mahdi Lyoubi a refusé de comparaître en l’absence de représentation juridique, en raison de la grève des avocat·es en cours au Maroc depuis plus d’un mois. Le tribunal a renvoyé l’examen de l’affaire au 22 juillet 2026, afin qu’il puisse constituer sa défense. Dans l’attente de son procès, il a été transféré à la prison d’Oukacha à Casablanca. Selon les informations recueillies auprès du comité de sa défense, El Mahdi Lyoubi serait poursuivi pour « outrage à une institution constitutionnelle » en vertu de l’article 179 du Code pénal et sur la base des paroles de ses chansons. Cet article prévoit une peine pouvant aller jusqu’à quatre ans d’emprisonnement. Le 22 juillet 2026, El Mahdi Lyoubi a comparu devant le tribunal de première instance d’Aïn Sebaa. À sa demande, l’audience a été renvoyée au 31 juillet 2026, afin de lui permettre de préparer sa défense, la grève nationale des avocat·es ne lui ayant toujours pas permis de bénéficier d’une représentation juridique et, par conséquent, de jouir pleinement de ses droits de la défense. En fin d’audience, le tribunal a rejeté la demande de mise en liberté provisoire présentée par sa famille. Au moment de la publication de cet appel urgent El Mahdi Lyoubi demeure en détention provisoire à la prison d’Oukacha. L’Observatoire rappelle que la détention d’El Mahdi Lyoubi ne constitue pas un cas isolé. Elle s’inscrit dans le contexte d’une répression systématique de l’expression artistique et de la dissidence civique au Maroc, qui s’est intensifiée depuis l’émergence du mouvement GenZ 212 à l’automne 2025. Ce mouvement, coordonné par des jeunes sur les réseaux sociaux et via des groupes Discord, a rassemblé plus de 185 000 participant·es et a entraîné la mise en détention de plus de 1 000 personnes, certain·es ayant été condamné·es à des peines allant jusqu’à 15 ans d’emprisonnement pour « entrave à la circulation sur la voie publique au moyen de barricades ». L’Observatoire note que la détention d’El Mahdi Lyoubi constitue une privation arbitraire de liberté en violation des obligations constitutionnelles et internationales du Maroc. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement la détention arbitraire d’El Mahdi Lyoubi et considère que les poursuites engagées à son encontre semblent uniquement viser à le sanctionner pour l’exercice légitime de ses activités artistiques et de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire exhorte les autorités marocaines à libérer immédiatement El Mahdi Lyoubi et à abandonner l’ensemble des charges retenues contre lui et à mettre fin à toute forme de harcèlement judiciaire à son encontre.]]> El Mahdi Lyoubi, connu sous le nom de scène “Mehdi Black Wind”, cinéaste, réalisateur documentariste, musicien et défenseur des droits humains marocain, actuellement placé en détention provisoire à la prison d’Oukacha à Casablanca. Le 10 juillet 2026, alors qu’il s’apprêtait à embarquer à l’aéroport de Rabat pour rentrer à Marseille à l’issue d’une visite familiale et de repérages pour son prochain film documentaire, El Mahdi Lyoubi a vu son passeport tamponné avant d’être intercepté par un policier qui lui a notifié une interdiction de quitter le territoire marocain, sans la moindre explication. Conduit au commissariat de Salé, il a reçu une convocation à se présenter le lundi 13 juillet à la Brigade nationale de la police judiciaire (BNPJ) de Casablanca. Cette convocation ne précisait ni les motifs de l’enquête ni l’identité de l’officier en charge du dossier. Le 13 juillet 2026, El Mahdi Lyoubi a été interrogé tout au long de la journée à la BNPJ, puis placé en garde à vue le soir même. Sa famille n’a été informée de son arrestation que tardivement dans la soirée. Le 15 juillet 2026, El Mahdi Lyoubi a été présenté au procureur, qui l’a placé en détention provisoire et l’a déféré en comparution immédiate devant le tribunal correctionnel de Casablanca. Sa famille et ses proches n’ont appris que dans l’après-midi qu’il comparaîtrait devant le tribunal le jour même. L’audience a constitué la première occasion pour sa famille et ses soutiens, présents en nombre, de le voir depuis son placement en garde à vue. El Mahdi Lyoubi a refusé de comparaître en l’absence de représentation juridique, en raison de la grève des avocat·es en cours au Maroc depuis plus d’un mois. Le tribunal a renvoyé l’examen de l’affaire au 22 juillet 2026, afin qu’il puisse constituer sa défense. Dans l’attente de son procès, il a été transféré à la prison d’Oukacha à Casablanca. Selon les informations recueillies auprès du comité de sa défense, El Mahdi Lyoubi serait poursuivi pour « outrage à une institution constitutionnelle » en vertu de l’article 179 du Code pénal et sur la base des paroles de ses chansons. Cet article prévoit une peine pouvant aller jusqu’à quatre ans d’emprisonnement. Le 22 juillet 2026, El Mahdi Lyoubi a comparu devant le tribunal de première instance d’Aïn Sebaa. À sa demande, l’audience a été renvoyée au 31 juillet 2026, afin de lui permettre de préparer sa défense, la grève nationale des avocat·es ne lui ayant toujours pas permis de bénéficier d’une représentation juridique et, par conséquent, de jouir pleinement de ses droits de la défense. En fin d’audience, le tribunal a rejeté la demande de mise en liberté provisoire présentée par sa famille. Au moment de la publication de cet appel urgent El Mahdi Lyoubi demeure en détention provisoire à la prison d’Oukacha. L’Observatoire rappelle que la détention d’El Mahdi Lyoubi ne constitue pas un cas isolé. Elle s’inscrit dans le contexte d’une répression systématique de l’expression artistique et de la dissidence civique au Maroc, qui s’est intensifiée depuis l’émergence du mouvement GenZ 212 à l’automne 2025. Ce mouvement, coordonné par des jeunes sur les réseaux sociaux et via des groupes Discord, a rassemblé plus de 185 000 participant·es et a entraîné la mise en détention de plus de 1 000 personnes, certain·es ayant été condamné·es à des peines allant jusqu’à 15 ans d’emprisonnement pour « entrave à la circulation sur la voie publique au moyen de barricades ». L’Observatoire note que la détention d’El Mahdi Lyoubi constitue une privation arbitraire de liberté en violation des obligations constitutionnelles et internationales du Maroc. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement la détention arbitraire d’El Mahdi Lyoubi et considère que les poursuites engagées à son encontre semblent uniquement viser à le sanctionner pour l’exercice légitime de ses activités artistiques et de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire exhorte les autorités marocaines à libérer immédiatement El Mahdi Lyoubi et à abandonner l’ensemble des charges retenues contre lui et à mettre fin à toute forme de harcèlement judiciaire à son encontre.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/https-www-omct-org-en-resources-urgent-interventions-georgia-azerbaijan-arbitrary-detention-of-journalist-afgan-sadigov-in-azerbaijan-following-his-arbitrary-arrest-and-expulsion-from-georgia/ Thu, 23 Jul 2026 14:54:17 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24991 GEO 002 / 0726 / OBS 36 Arbitrary arrest / Arbitrary detention / Transnational repression / Restrictions to freedom of expression Georgia/Azerbaijan 23 July 2026 The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Azerbaijan and Georgia. Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the arbitrary arrest and detention of Mr Afgan Sadigov in Azerbaijan, following his previous arbitrary arrest and expulsion from Georgia to Azerbaijan in April 2026. Mr Afgan Sadigov is the founder and editor of the regional online media platform Azel.tv, known for its critical reporting on the Azerbaijani government. Azel.tv’s YouTube channel features video reports on local corruption, government misconduct, and citizens’ grievances regarding social injustice. On 8 June 2026, Mr Sadigov’s wife, Sevinch Sadigova, stated that her husband had been detained by several masked persons dressed in civilian clothes in Azerbaijan. On the same day, Mr Sadigov’s lawyer reported that Mr Sadigov had been taken to the Prosecutor’s Office of Azerbaijan, and that he had been presented to a court hearing, at which he was ordered to stay in pre-trial detention until 30 July 2026. This arbitrary arrest and detention of Mr Sadigov in Azerbaijan followed his arbitrary arrest and expulsion from Georgia to Azerbaijan on 4 April 2026, after nearly two years of judicial and administrative proceedings in both countries. In August 2023, Mr Sadigov was accused of extorsion under Articles 182.2.2 and 182.2.4 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan. On 3 August 2024, Georgian law enforcement officers first detained Mr Sadigov for the purpose of extradition to Azerbaijan. Despite no concrete evidence against Mr Sadigov, Georgian courts accepted Azerbaijan’s request to expel Mr Sadigov and proceeded to allow his extradition. In January 2025, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) issued binding interim measures prohibiting Mr Sadigov’s expulsion to Azerbaijan, where he was facing criminal proceedings (see below). On 1 April 2026, the Prosecutor’s Office of Azerbaijan declared this criminal investigation to be officially terminated and informed Georgian authorities about their decision to discontinue the criminal proceedings against Mr Sadigov, which was followed by an order by the Georgian Ministry of Justice to terminate the expulsion procedures. On that basis, the Georgian government argued that Mr Sadigov was no longer at risk of transfer to Azerbaijan and that there was therefore insufficient factual basis for alleged violations of Articles 3 (prohibition of torture), 6 (right to a fair trial), and 8 (right to respect for private and family life) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). On 3 April 2026, the Tbilisi City Court approved a motion by the Prosecutor’s Office of Georgia to annul the bail, the ban on leaving the country and other interim measures applied against Mr Sadigov. Nonetheless, in the late evening of 4 April 2026, dozens of officers from the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs and emergency response units arrived at Mr Sadigov’s residential apartment in Tbilisi and arrested him on alleged administrative grounds following, on the basis of statements that  allegedly constituted an “insult of a law enforcement officer” under Article 173(2) of Georgia’s Code of Administrative Offences. Following the arrest, Mr Sadigov was subject to a late-night court hearing before the Tbilisi City Court. Even though Georgian authorities were informed of Mr Sadigov’s chosen legal representatives, the Tbilisi City Court appointed him a public lawyer from the Legal Aid Service. On 5 April 2026, Georgian Judge Tornike Kochkiani found him guilty, fined him with 2,000 lari (approximately 743 Euros) and ordered Mr Sadigov’s expulsion to Azerbaijan and a prohibition to enter Georgia for three years. The decision was immediately implemented, and he was expelled through the Georgian-Azerbaijan land border. Upon crossing into Azerbaijan, he was reportedly questioned by the Azerbaijani Migration Service. On 6 April 2026, Mr Ilham Aliyev, President of Azerbaijan, conducted a visit to Tbilisi, Georgia, which raises concerns on whether this process may have been coordinated at a high political level, with the purpose to punish and expel Mr Sadigov back to Azerbaijan, where he might be subjected to further politically motivated persecution. On 10 April 2026, the European Court of Human Rights sent a request to both parties – the applicant, as well as the governments of Georgia and Azerbaijan – to submit additional observations. In particular, the Court raised a new question as to whether, despite the existence of an interim measure, the applicant’s transfer to Azerbaijan constituted a violation of Article 34 of the European Convention on Human Rights. On 30 June 2026, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Michael O'Flaherty, addressed a letter requesting clarifications regarding the criminal proceedings against Afgan Sadigov, while reiterating his call for the immediate release of all human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society activists detained solely for their legitimate work or for expressing dissenting or critical views. Prior to these developments, Mr Sadigov had been held in expulsion detention for a period of nine months. Throughout this time, none of the instances of the Georgian judiciary suspended or halted the expulsion proceedings, notwithstanding substantiated concerns regarding a real risk of political persecution, as well as torture and other forms of ill-treatment in Azerbaijan. Furthermore, at all judicial levels, the Georgian courts rejected the requests for international protection submitted by Mr Sadigov and his legal representatives. During his detention, Mr Sadigov undertook a 161-day hunger strike, which resulted in a severely deteriorated and life-threatening health condition. Following his release, Mr Sadigov joined the ongoing continuous protests in Tbilisi, and it was in this context that he was subsequently subjected to administrative detention on two occasions and was fined 55 times under restrictive legislative provisions adopted in Georgia concerning freedom of assembly. The Observatory notes that Mr Sadigov’s expulsion from Georgia, carried out in violation of the interim measures imposed by the ECtHR, constitutes a demonstrative breach of the ECtHR’s decision and of the European Convention on Human Rights, including the principle of non-refoulement and the right to a fair trial. The Observatory further notes that cooperation between Azerbaijani and Georgian authorities to arbitrarily detain and extradite Mr Sadigov in reprisal for his legitimate human rights and journalistic activities constitutes an act of transnational repression. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of Mr Sadigov in Azerbaijan and his previous arbitrary arrest and expulsion by the Georgian authorities and calls on Azerbaijan and Georgia to uphold their human rights obligations, including its duty to protect exiled human rights defenders from transnational repression.]]> GEO 002 / 0726 / OBS 36 Arbitrary arrest / Arbitrary detention / Transnational repression / Restrictions to freedom of expression Georgia/Azerbaijan 23 July 2026 The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Azerbaijan and Georgia. Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the arbitrary arrest and detention of Mr Afgan Sadigov in Azerbaijan, following his previous arbitrary arrest and expulsion from Georgia to Azerbaijan in April 2026. Mr Afgan Sadigov is the founder and editor of the regional online media platform Azel.tv, known for its critical reporting on the Azerbaijani government. Azel.tv’s YouTube channel features video reports on local corruption, government misconduct, and citizens’ grievances regarding social injustice. On 8 June 2026, Mr Sadigov’s wife, Sevinch Sadigova, stated that her husband had been detained by several masked persons dressed in civilian clothes in Azerbaijan. On the same day, Mr Sadigov’s lawyer reported that Mr Sadigov had been taken to the Prosecutor’s Office of Azerbaijan, and that he had been presented to a court hearing, at which he was ordered to stay in pre-trial detention until 30 July 2026. This arbitrary arrest and detention of Mr Sadigov in Azerbaijan followed his arbitrary arrest and expulsion from Georgia to Azerbaijan on 4 April 2026, after nearly two years of judicial and administrative proceedings in both countries. In August 2023, Mr Sadigov was accused of extorsion under Articles 182.2.2 and 182.2.4 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Azerbaijan. On 3 August 2024, Georgian law enforcement officers first detained Mr Sadigov for the purpose of extradition to Azerbaijan. Despite no concrete evidence against Mr Sadigov, Georgian courts accepted Azerbaijan’s request to expel Mr Sadigov and proceeded to allow his extradition. In January 2025, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) issued binding interim measures prohibiting Mr Sadigov’s expulsion to Azerbaijan, where he was facing criminal proceedings (see below). On 1 April 2026, the Prosecutor’s Office of Azerbaijan declared this criminal investigation to be officially terminated and informed Georgian authorities about their decision to discontinue the criminal proceedings against Mr Sadigov, which was followed by an order by the Georgian Ministry of Justice to terminate the expulsion procedures. On that basis, the Georgian government argued that Mr Sadigov was no longer at risk of transfer to Azerbaijan and that there was therefore insufficient factual basis for alleged violations of Articles 3 (prohibition of torture), 6 (right to a fair trial), and 8 (right to respect for private and family life) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). On 3 April 2026, the Tbilisi City Court approved a motion by the Prosecutor’s Office of Georgia to annul the bail, the ban on leaving the country and other interim measures applied against Mr Sadigov. Nonetheless, in the late evening of 4 April 2026, dozens of officers from the Georgian Ministry of Internal Affairs and emergency response units arrived at Mr Sadigov’s residential apartment in Tbilisi and arrested him on alleged administrative grounds following, on the basis of statements that  allegedly constituted an “insult of a law enforcement officer” under Article 173(2) of Georgia’s Code of Administrative Offences. Following the arrest, Mr Sadigov was subject to a late-night court hearing before the Tbilisi City Court. Even though Georgian authorities were informed of Mr Sadigov’s chosen legal representatives, the Tbilisi City Court appointed him a public lawyer from the Legal Aid Service. On 5 April 2026, Georgian Judge Tornike Kochkiani found him guilty, fined him with 2,000 lari (approximately 743 Euros) and ordered Mr Sadigov’s expulsion to Azerbaijan and a prohibition to enter Georgia for three years. The decision was immediately implemented, and he was expelled through the Georgian-Azerbaijan land border. Upon crossing into Azerbaijan, he was reportedly questioned by the Azerbaijani Migration Service. On 6 April 2026, Mr Ilham Aliyev, President of Azerbaijan, conducted a visit to Tbilisi, Georgia, which raises concerns on whether this process may have been coordinated at a high political level, with the purpose to punish and expel Mr Sadigov back to Azerbaijan, where he might be subjected to further politically motivated persecution. On 10 April 2026, the European Court of Human Rights sent a request to both parties – the applicant, as well as the governments of Georgia and Azerbaijan – to submit additional observations. In particular, the Court raised a new question as to whether, despite the existence of an interim measure, the applicant’s transfer to Azerbaijan constituted a violation of Article 34 of the European Convention on Human Rights. On 30 June 2026, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Michael O'Flaherty, addressed a letter requesting clarifications regarding the criminal proceedings against Afgan Sadigov, while reiterating his call for the immediate release of all human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society activists detained solely for their legitimate work or for expressing dissenting or critical views. Prior to these developments, Mr Sadigov had been held in expulsion detention for a period of nine months. Throughout this time, none of the instances of the Georgian judiciary suspended or halted the expulsion proceedings, notwithstanding substantiated concerns regarding a real risk of political persecution, as well as torture and other forms of ill-treatment in Azerbaijan. Furthermore, at all judicial levels, the Georgian courts rejected the requests for international protection submitted by Mr Sadigov and his legal representatives. During his detention, Mr Sadigov undertook a 161-day hunger strike, which resulted in a severely deteriorated and life-threatening health condition. Following his release, Mr Sadigov joined the ongoing continuous protests in Tbilisi, and it was in this context that he was subsequently subjected to administrative detention on two occasions and was fined 55 times under restrictive legislative provisions adopted in Georgia concerning freedom of assembly. The Observatory notes that Mr Sadigov’s expulsion from Georgia, carried out in violation of the interim measures imposed by the ECtHR, constitutes a demonstrative breach of the ECtHR’s decision and of the European Convention on Human Rights, including the principle of non-refoulement and the right to a fair trial. The Observatory further notes that cooperation between Azerbaijani and Georgian authorities to arbitrarily detain and extradite Mr Sadigov in reprisal for his legitimate human rights and journalistic activities constitutes an act of transnational repression. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of Mr Sadigov in Azerbaijan and his previous arbitrary arrest and expulsion by the Georgian authorities and calls on Azerbaijan and Georgia to uphold their human rights obligations, including its duty to protect exiled human rights defenders from transnational repression.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/__trashed-5/ Thu, 09 Jul 2026 08:54:14 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24899 Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the enforced disappearance and the arbitrary arrest and detention of Mr. Erias Lukwago, lawyer, human rights defender and President of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), well known for representing opposition figures and defending fundamental rights, including the rights to due process and a fair trial. On 15 June 2026, heavily armed security operatives arrested Mr. Erias Lukwago at his residence in Wakaliga, a neighbourhood of Kampala, and took him to an undisclosed location. For more than 48 hours, his whereabouts remained unknown. During this period, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Chief of Defence Forces and son of President Yoweri Museveni, repeatedly claimed responsibility for Mr. Lukwago’s detention through a series of posts on X, stating that he had "captured" him and taken him to his "basement". On 17 June 2026, Mr. Lukwago was transferred to Kira Division Police Station in Wakiso District before being brought before the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court in Kampala, where he was formally charged with « misprision of treason », a criminal offence consisting of the alleged failure to report knowledge of plans to commit treason and punishable by life imprisonment under Section 25 of the Ugandan Penal Code. Mr. Lukwago denied the charge and has been remanded to Luzira Prison. On 7 July 2026, Mr. Lukwago’s application for bail filed on health grounds was rejected, and he remains in detention pending further proceedings. Mr. Lukwago’s arrest occurred while he was acting as legal counsel for opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye, who is currently facing treason charges. At the time of his arrest, Mr. Lukwago was also preparing to serve court documents on General Muhoozi Kainerugaba in separate legal proceedings brought on behalf of Dr. Besigye concerning repeated public death threats issued by the General through social media. Mr. Lukwago was arrested shortly before carrying out this procedural step. The Observatory is further concerned that, on 22 June 2026, Kenyan lawyer and former Minister of Justice Ms. Martha Karua was denied entry into Uganda upon her arrival at Entebbe International Airport while she was travelling to Uganda to join the legal team representing Mr. Erias Lukwago in the proceedings against him. The Observatory notes with deep concern that, following Mr. Lukwago’s arrest, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba continued publishing threatening statements on X, including: "I’m proud of ALL the hurt and pain I will inflict on the CRIMINAL LUKWAGO!", "Lukwago will be in prison for a minimum of 10 years!", and "He has been fighting me with Besigye for many decades. We are going to finish it now." Such statements seriously undermine the presumption of innocence, appear to interfere with the administration of justice, and reinforce concerns that the arrest and prosecution are politicaly motivated. The Observatory recalls that Mr. Lukwago is a prominent lawyer who has long represented opposition leaders, journalists, human rights defenders and other individuals in politically sensitive cases involving the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The Observatory expresses its utmost concern that his arbitrary arrest, detention and prosecution appear to be directly linked to his legitimate professional activities as a lawyer and his human rights work. The Observatory further recalls that another of Dr. Besigye’s lawyers, Mr. Eron Kiiza, was arbitrarily arrested in January 2025, convicted by a military court for alleged contempt of court and sentenced to nine months’ imprisonment before being released on bail in February 2025. These successive incidents raise serious concerns about an emerging pattern of intimidation and judicial harassment targeting lawyers representing opposition figures in Uganda. The Observatory condemns the enforced desappearance, arbitrary arrest and detention and the judicial harassment of Mr. Erias Lukwago, which appear to be solely aimed at punishing him for his legitimate activities as a lawyer. The Observatory further condemns the public threats and statements made by General Muhoozi Kainerugaba before and after Mr. Lukwago’s arrest, which raise serious concerns regarding the independence of the proceedings against him and the respect for the rule of law in Uganda. The Observatory urges the Ugandan authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Mr. Erias Lukwago, drop all charges against him, and guarantee in all circumstances that lawyers and human rights defenders in Uganda are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of reprisals, intimidation or judicial harassment.]]> Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the enforced disappearance and the arbitrary arrest and detention of Mr. Erias Lukwago, lawyer, human rights defender and President of the People’s Front for Freedom (PFF), well known for representing opposition figures and defending fundamental rights, including the rights to due process and a fair trial. On 15 June 2026, heavily armed security operatives arrested Mr. Erias Lukwago at his residence in Wakaliga, a neighbourhood of Kampala, and took him to an undisclosed location. For more than 48 hours, his whereabouts remained unknown. During this period, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Chief of Defence Forces and son of President Yoweri Museveni, repeatedly claimed responsibility for Mr. Lukwago’s detention through a series of posts on X, stating that he had "captured" him and taken him to his "basement". On 17 June 2026, Mr. Lukwago was transferred to Kira Division Police Station in Wakiso District before being brought before the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court in Kampala, where he was formally charged with « misprision of treason », a criminal offence consisting of the alleged failure to report knowledge of plans to commit treason and punishable by life imprisonment under Section 25 of the Ugandan Penal Code. Mr. Lukwago denied the charge and has been remanded to Luzira Prison. On 7 July 2026, Mr. Lukwago’s application for bail filed on health grounds was rejected, and he remains in detention pending further proceedings. Mr. Lukwago’s arrest occurred while he was acting as legal counsel for opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye, who is currently facing treason charges. At the time of his arrest, Mr. Lukwago was also preparing to serve court documents on General Muhoozi Kainerugaba in separate legal proceedings brought on behalf of Dr. Besigye concerning repeated public death threats issued by the General through social media. Mr. Lukwago was arrested shortly before carrying out this procedural step. The Observatory is further concerned that, on 22 June 2026, Kenyan lawyer and former Minister of Justice Ms. Martha Karua was denied entry into Uganda upon her arrival at Entebbe International Airport while she was travelling to Uganda to join the legal team representing Mr. Erias Lukwago in the proceedings against him. The Observatory notes with deep concern that, following Mr. Lukwago’s arrest, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba continued publishing threatening statements on X, including: "I’m proud of ALL the hurt and pain I will inflict on the CRIMINAL LUKWAGO!", "Lukwago will be in prison for a minimum of 10 years!", and "He has been fighting me with Besigye for many decades. We are going to finish it now." Such statements seriously undermine the presumption of innocence, appear to interfere with the administration of justice, and reinforce concerns that the arrest and prosecution are politicaly motivated. The Observatory recalls that Mr. Lukwago is a prominent lawyer who has long represented opposition leaders, journalists, human rights defenders and other individuals in politically sensitive cases involving the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. The Observatory expresses its utmost concern that his arbitrary arrest, detention and prosecution appear to be directly linked to his legitimate professional activities as a lawyer and his human rights work. The Observatory further recalls that another of Dr. Besigye’s lawyers, Mr. Eron Kiiza, was arbitrarily arrested in January 2025, convicted by a military court for alleged contempt of court and sentenced to nine months’ imprisonment before being released on bail in February 2025. These successive incidents raise serious concerns about an emerging pattern of intimidation and judicial harassment targeting lawyers representing opposition figures in Uganda. The Observatory condemns the enforced desappearance, arbitrary arrest and detention and the judicial harassment of Mr. Erias Lukwago, which appear to be solely aimed at punishing him for his legitimate activities as a lawyer. The Observatory further condemns the public threats and statements made by General Muhoozi Kainerugaba before and after Mr. Lukwago’s arrest, which raise serious concerns regarding the independence of the proceedings against him and the respect for the rule of law in Uganda. The Observatory urges the Ugandan authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Mr. Erias Lukwago, drop all charges against him, and guarantee in all circumstances that lawyers and human rights defenders in Uganda are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of reprisals, intimidation or judicial harassment.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/tunisie-le-juge-anas-hmaidi-sera-juge-en-appel-le-17-juin-2026/ Tue, 16 Jun 2026 13:04:26 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24893 L’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains, un partenariat de l’Organisation mondiale contre la torture (OMCT) et de la Fédération internationale pour les droits humains (FIDH), vous prie d’intervenir sur la situation suivante en Tunisie. Description de la situation : L’Observatoire a été informé de la condamnation de M. Anas Hmaidi, magistrat tunisien et président de l’Association des magistrats tunisiens (AMT), en lien avec les événements de juin 2022. Anas Hmaidi est l’une des principales figures du mouvement de protestation et de la grève nationale des magistrat·es organisée par l’AMT. Le 6 avril 2026, le tribunal de première instance de Tunis a condamné Anas Hmaidi à une peine d’un an d’emprisonnement sur le fondement de l’article 136 du Code pénal pour « entrave à la liberté de travail » suite à son rôle dans la défense de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et sa participation à la grève des magistrat·es de 2022. Anas Hmaidi a interjeté appel de cette décision et reste maintenu en liberté provisoire jusqu’à son audience fixée au 17 juin 2026. L’Observatoire rappelle que le 12 février 2022, le président Kaïs Saïed avait procédé à la dissolution du Conseil supérieur de la magistrature (CSM) par décret présidentiel et à son remplacement par un Conseil provisoire, une mesure largement dénoncée par l’AMT comme une atteinte grave à l’indépendance de la justice. Cette mesure avait également été suivie par un décret présidentiel du 1er juin 2022 révoquant 57 magistrat·es. Dans ce contexte, Anas Hmaidi avait multiplié les prises de position publiques critiques à l’égard de la mainmise de l'exécutif sur le pouvoir judiciaire. À partir de juin 2022, et tout au long de l’année 2022, Anas Hmaidi a fait l’objet de pressions administratives et disciplinaires croissantes en lien avec ses déclarations publiques, son rôle dans la grève des magistrat·es et son activité syndicale à la tête de l’AMT. L’Inspection générale du ministère de la Justice l’a notamment convoqué à plusieurs reprises et il a été traduit devant le conseil de discipline, avant que son immunité ne soit levée et qu’une enquête pénale ne soit ouverte en lien avec son activité syndicale à la tête de l’organisation. Par la suite, plusieurs procédures judiciaires ont été engagées à son encontre entre 2022 et 2026. L’Observatoire rappelle également que le 2 avril 2026, la Rapporteuse spéciale des Nations unies sur l’indépendance des juges et des avocats, Margaret Satterthwaite, a déclaré, avec le soutien de Mary Lawlor, Rapporteuse spéciale sur la situation des défenseur·es des droits humains, et de Gina Romero, Rapporteuse spéciale sur les droits à la liberté de réunion pacifique et d’association, que le juge Hmaidi était uniquement sanctionné pour avoir défendu l’indépendance de la justice, et que les poursuites engagées contre lui étaient liées à sa participation à une grève légitime des magistrats. L’Observatoire souligne que ces poursuites s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de concentration des pouvoirs exécutifs en Tunisie depuis les mesures exceptionnelles annoncées le 25 juillet 2021 par le président Kaïs Saïed, ainsi que dans un climat de préoccupations récurrentes exprimées par les organisations de défense des droits humains concernant l’affaiblissement de l’indépendance de la justice. L’Observatoire considère que les procédures visant Anas Hmaidi constituent des représailles liées à l’exercice légitime de la liberté d’expression, d’association, ainsi que de défense syndicale et professionnelle. Dans ce cadre, l’Observatoire rappelle que le droit syndical et le droit de grève sont des droits constitutionnels en Tunisie. L’Observatoire rappelle également que la Tunisie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces libertés. L’Observatoire condamne le harcèlement judiciaire et la condamnation d’Anas Hmaidi qui ne semblent uniquement destinées à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains et appelle les autorités tunisiennes à abandonner toutes les charges qui pèsent contre lui. La Tunisie doit mettre fin à tout acte de harcèlement, y compris judiciaire, à son encontre et à l’encontre de tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains dans le pays.]]> L’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains, un partenariat de l’Organisation mondiale contre la torture (OMCT) et de la Fédération internationale pour les droits humains (FIDH), vous prie d’intervenir sur la situation suivante en Tunisie. Description de la situation : L’Observatoire a été informé de la condamnation de M. Anas Hmaidi, magistrat tunisien et président de l’Association des magistrats tunisiens (AMT), en lien avec les événements de juin 2022. Anas Hmaidi est l’une des principales figures du mouvement de protestation et de la grève nationale des magistrat·es organisée par l’AMT. Le 6 avril 2026, le tribunal de première instance de Tunis a condamné Anas Hmaidi à une peine d’un an d’emprisonnement sur le fondement de l’article 136 du Code pénal pour « entrave à la liberté de travail » suite à son rôle dans la défense de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et sa participation à la grève des magistrat·es de 2022. Anas Hmaidi a interjeté appel de cette décision et reste maintenu en liberté provisoire jusqu’à son audience fixée au 17 juin 2026. L’Observatoire rappelle que le 12 février 2022, le président Kaïs Saïed avait procédé à la dissolution du Conseil supérieur de la magistrature (CSM) par décret présidentiel et à son remplacement par un Conseil provisoire, une mesure largement dénoncée par l’AMT comme une atteinte grave à l’indépendance de la justice. Cette mesure avait également été suivie par un décret présidentiel du 1er juin 2022 révoquant 57 magistrat·es. Dans ce contexte, Anas Hmaidi avait multiplié les prises de position publiques critiques à l’égard de la mainmise de l'exécutif sur le pouvoir judiciaire. À partir de juin 2022, et tout au long de l’année 2022, Anas Hmaidi a fait l’objet de pressions administratives et disciplinaires croissantes en lien avec ses déclarations publiques, son rôle dans la grève des magistrat·es et son activité syndicale à la tête de l’AMT. L’Inspection générale du ministère de la Justice l’a notamment convoqué à plusieurs reprises et il a été traduit devant le conseil de discipline, avant que son immunité ne soit levée et qu’une enquête pénale ne soit ouverte en lien avec son activité syndicale à la tête de l’organisation. Par la suite, plusieurs procédures judiciaires ont été engagées à son encontre entre 2022 et 2026. L’Observatoire rappelle également que le 2 avril 2026, la Rapporteuse spéciale des Nations unies sur l’indépendance des juges et des avocats, Margaret Satterthwaite, a déclaré, avec le soutien de Mary Lawlor, Rapporteuse spéciale sur la situation des défenseur·es des droits humains, et de Gina Romero, Rapporteuse spéciale sur les droits à la liberté de réunion pacifique et d’association, que le juge Hmaidi était uniquement sanctionné pour avoir défendu l’indépendance de la justice, et que les poursuites engagées contre lui étaient liées à sa participation à une grève légitime des magistrats. L’Observatoire souligne que ces poursuites s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de concentration des pouvoirs exécutifs en Tunisie depuis les mesures exceptionnelles annoncées le 25 juillet 2021 par le président Kaïs Saïed, ainsi que dans un climat de préoccupations récurrentes exprimées par les organisations de défense des droits humains concernant l’affaiblissement de l’indépendance de la justice. L’Observatoire considère que les procédures visant Anas Hmaidi constituent des représailles liées à l’exercice légitime de la liberté d’expression, d’association, ainsi que de défense syndicale et professionnelle. Dans ce cadre, l’Observatoire rappelle que le droit syndical et le droit de grève sont des droits constitutionnels en Tunisie. L’Observatoire rappelle également que la Tunisie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces libertés. L’Observatoire condamne le harcèlement judiciaire et la condamnation d’Anas Hmaidi qui ne semblent uniquement destinées à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains et appelle les autorités tunisiennes à abandonner toutes les charges qui pèsent contre lui. La Tunisie doit mettre fin à tout acte de harcèlement, y compris judiciaire, à son encontre et à l’encontre de tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains dans le pays.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/mali-harcelement-judiciaire-et-detention-arbitraire-de-chahana-takiou-et-abdehrmane-keita-journalistes-et-defenseurs-des-droits-humains/ Fri, 12 Jun 2026 12:18:03 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24887 Chahana Takiou, directeur de publication du journal bihebdomadaire malien le 22 septembre et M. Abdehrmane Keïta, directeur de publication du journal Le Témoin, tous deux engagés dans la promotion de la liberté de la presse, du pluralisme de l’information et de la liberté d’expression au Mali. Les 8 et 9 juin MM. Chahana Takiou et Keïta Abdehrmane ont respectivement été convoqués par le pôle national de lutte contre la cybercriminalité, inculpés puis placés sous mandat de dépôt à la Maison centrale d’arrêt de Bamako. M. Takiou est poursuivi pour « atteinte au crédit de l’État à travers l’institution judiciaire » et son procès est prévu le 27 juillet 2026. M. Keïta est quant à lui poursuivi pour « délit à caractère régionaliste qui tend à porter atteinte à l’unité nationale et au crédit de l’État » ainsi que pour « publication et diffusion d’informations fausses et trompeuses dans l’intention que ces informations soient considérées comme authentiques par le biais d’un système d’informations ». Son procès est prévu le 17 août 2026. Les poursuites et la détention arbitraire de M. Takiou font suite à des propos tenus lors du forum panafricain des médias (FOPAME) organisé à Bamako du 3 au 6 juin 2026 par la Maison de la Presse du Mali, où il avait dénoncé l’application abusive dans les poursuites contre les journalistes de la loi sur la cybercriminalité plutôt que celle sur le délit de presse, moins répressive, ainsi que la détention arbitraire de son confrère Youssouf Sissoko, directeur de publication du journal Alternance. M. Takiou avait ainsi déclaré que « souvent le magistrat détourne la procédure et la viole. Nous avons un confrère qui dort en prison, Youssouf Sissoko, un journaliste professionnel, il est interpelé par la justice après avoir publié dans son journal Alternance une contribution. Il devait être jugé sur la base de la loi sur le délit de presse mais malheureusement depuis que la loi sur la cybercriminalité existe les juges ignorent superbement la loi sur le délit de presse ». Il avait également rappelé que « le narratif souverain africain n'existe pas, tout comme il n’y a pas de narratif européen ou maghrébin. Le journalisme est le même sous tous les cieux ». Plus généralement, Chahana Takiou est une figure de la presse indépendante et fait régulièrement des déclarations pour dénoncer le musèlement de la presse et réclamer la pluralité d’opinion et la liberté d’expression. Quant à M.Keïta, les poursuites à son encontre font suite à des propos tenus sur le plateau de Renouveau TV lors de l'émission «Grand Jury». Critiquant le bilan des autorités militaires, il y avait déclaré que la région de « Kidal est administrée » par Iyad Ghaly, chef du Jnim (Groupe de soutien à l'islam et aux musulmans), lié à al-Qaïda. Un troisième journaliste, M. Issaika Sidibé, directeur de publication du journal Le Matinal, a lui aussi été convoqué les 1er et 9 juin par le pôle judiciaire anti-cybercriminalité. Le 9 juin, après quelques heures d’interrogatoire, il est rentré chez lui sans être poursuivi. L’Observatoire se joint à la ferme condamnation de la Maison de presse du Mali de ces deux mises sous mandat de dépôt et qui déclarait dans des communiqués que la mise sous mandat de dépôt de Chahana Takiou « ternit l’image de la justice, de la presse et du pays ». L’Observatoire rappelle que les poursuites et le harcèlement de journalistes et défenseur·es des droits humains au Mali s’inscrivent dans un contexte d’imposition d’un traitement patriotique de l’information et dans une vaste politique de restriction croissante de l’espace civique et d’attaques à l’encontre des défenseur·es des droits humains et journalistes depuis le coup d’État de mai 2021. Le 9 avril 2025, Alfousseini Togo, promoteur et directeur de publication du journal Le Canard de la Venise, a été arrêté à la suite de la publication d’un article critiquant la justice malienne avant d’être condamné à huit mois de prison avec sursis, notamment pour « atteinte au crédit de l’État ». En novembre 2025, les journalistes Malick Aliou Maïga et Youssoufa Moussa Touré, animateurs des radios Aadar Koïma de Gao et Aadar Koukia d'Ansongo, avaient eux aussi été arrêtés avant d’être relâchés quelques jours plus tard. Plus récemment, le 23 mars 2026, le journaliste Youssouf Sissoko, directeur de publication du journal L'Alternance, a été condamné à deux ans de prison ferme et à une amende d'un million de francs CFA (environ 1.525 Euros) pour « atteinte au crédit de l’État », après la publication d’un article intitulé « Le Général Tiani sous le coup de l’émotion accuse Macron, Ouattara et Talon ». L’Observatoire dénonce l'utilisation abusive par les autorités de la Transition de l'accusation d'« atteinte au crédit de l'État », prévue par le Code pénal malien, devenu un outil pour réprimer la liberté d'expression et museler les voix critiques. L’Observatoire appelle également les autorités militaires au pouvoir au Mali à garantir les droits à la liberté d’expression et d’opinion et le droit à la liberté de la presse tels que consacrés par les articles 14 et 15 de la Constitution du Mali, ainsi que les standards internationaux relatifs aux droits humains, et particulièrement les articles 9, 10 et 19 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), et les articles 9 et 10 de la Charte africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face au maintien en détention de MM. Chahana Takiou et Abdehrmane Keïta et considère que les poursuites engagées à leur encontre semblent uniquement viser à entraver leurs activités légitimes de journalistes et de défenseurs des droits humains, notamment leur engagement en faveur de la liberté de la presse, de la liberté d’expression et du pluralisme des opinions au Mali. L’Observatoire exhorte la justice malienne à libérer immédiatement et sans conditions Chahana Takiou et Abdehrmane Keïta, ainsi que tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains arbitrairement détenu·es dans le pays, et à abandonner toutes les charges à leur encontre.]]> Chahana Takiou, directeur de publication du journal bihebdomadaire malien le 22 septembre et M. Abdehrmane Keïta, directeur de publication du journal Le Témoin, tous deux engagés dans la promotion de la liberté de la presse, du pluralisme de l’information et de la liberté d’expression au Mali. Les 8 et 9 juin MM. Chahana Takiou et Keïta Abdehrmane ont respectivement été convoqués par le pôle national de lutte contre la cybercriminalité, inculpés puis placés sous mandat de dépôt à la Maison centrale d’arrêt de Bamako. M. Takiou est poursuivi pour « atteinte au crédit de l’État à travers l’institution judiciaire » et son procès est prévu le 27 juillet 2026. M. Keïta est quant à lui poursuivi pour « délit à caractère régionaliste qui tend à porter atteinte à l’unité nationale et au crédit de l’État » ainsi que pour « publication et diffusion d’informations fausses et trompeuses dans l’intention que ces informations soient considérées comme authentiques par le biais d’un système d’informations ». Son procès est prévu le 17 août 2026. Les poursuites et la détention arbitraire de M. Takiou font suite à des propos tenus lors du forum panafricain des médias (FOPAME) organisé à Bamako du 3 au 6 juin 2026 par la Maison de la Presse du Mali, où il avait dénoncé l’application abusive dans les poursuites contre les journalistes de la loi sur la cybercriminalité plutôt que celle sur le délit de presse, moins répressive, ainsi que la détention arbitraire de son confrère Youssouf Sissoko, directeur de publication du journal Alternance. M. Takiou avait ainsi déclaré que « souvent le magistrat détourne la procédure et la viole. Nous avons un confrère qui dort en prison, Youssouf Sissoko, un journaliste professionnel, il est interpelé par la justice après avoir publié dans son journal Alternance une contribution. Il devait être jugé sur la base de la loi sur le délit de presse mais malheureusement depuis que la loi sur la cybercriminalité existe les juges ignorent superbement la loi sur le délit de presse ». Il avait également rappelé que « le narratif souverain africain n'existe pas, tout comme il n’y a pas de narratif européen ou maghrébin. Le journalisme est le même sous tous les cieux ». Plus généralement, Chahana Takiou est une figure de la presse indépendante et fait régulièrement des déclarations pour dénoncer le musèlement de la presse et réclamer la pluralité d’opinion et la liberté d’expression. Quant à M.Keïta, les poursuites à son encontre font suite à des propos tenus sur le plateau de Renouveau TV lors de l'émission «Grand Jury». Critiquant le bilan des autorités militaires, il y avait déclaré que la région de « Kidal est administrée » par Iyad Ghaly, chef du Jnim (Groupe de soutien à l'islam et aux musulmans), lié à al-Qaïda. Un troisième journaliste, M. Issaika Sidibé, directeur de publication du journal Le Matinal, a lui aussi été convoqué les 1er et 9 juin par le pôle judiciaire anti-cybercriminalité. Le 9 juin, après quelques heures d’interrogatoire, il est rentré chez lui sans être poursuivi. L’Observatoire se joint à la ferme condamnation de la Maison de presse du Mali de ces deux mises sous mandat de dépôt et qui déclarait dans des communiqués que la mise sous mandat de dépôt de Chahana Takiou « ternit l’image de la justice, de la presse et du pays ». L’Observatoire rappelle que les poursuites et le harcèlement de journalistes et défenseur·es des droits humains au Mali s’inscrivent dans un contexte d’imposition d’un traitement patriotique de l’information et dans une vaste politique de restriction croissante de l’espace civique et d’attaques à l’encontre des défenseur·es des droits humains et journalistes depuis le coup d’État de mai 2021. Le 9 avril 2025, Alfousseini Togo, promoteur et directeur de publication du journal Le Canard de la Venise, a été arrêté à la suite de la publication d’un article critiquant la justice malienne avant d’être condamné à huit mois de prison avec sursis, notamment pour « atteinte au crédit de l’État ». En novembre 2025, les journalistes Malick Aliou Maïga et Youssoufa Moussa Touré, animateurs des radios Aadar Koïma de Gao et Aadar Koukia d'Ansongo, avaient eux aussi été arrêtés avant d’être relâchés quelques jours plus tard. Plus récemment, le 23 mars 2026, le journaliste Youssouf Sissoko, directeur de publication du journal L'Alternance, a été condamné à deux ans de prison ferme et à une amende d'un million de francs CFA (environ 1.525 Euros) pour « atteinte au crédit de l’État », après la publication d’un article intitulé « Le Général Tiani sous le coup de l’émotion accuse Macron, Ouattara et Talon ». L’Observatoire dénonce l'utilisation abusive par les autorités de la Transition de l'accusation d'« atteinte au crédit de l'État », prévue par le Code pénal malien, devenu un outil pour réprimer la liberté d'expression et museler les voix critiques. L’Observatoire appelle également les autorités militaires au pouvoir au Mali à garantir les droits à la liberté d’expression et d’opinion et le droit à la liberté de la presse tels que consacrés par les articles 14 et 15 de la Constitution du Mali, ainsi que les standards internationaux relatifs aux droits humains, et particulièrement les articles 9, 10 et 19 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), et les articles 9 et 10 de la Charte africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face au maintien en détention de MM. Chahana Takiou et Abdehrmane Keïta et considère que les poursuites engagées à leur encontre semblent uniquement viser à entraver leurs activités légitimes de journalistes et de défenseurs des droits humains, notamment leur engagement en faveur de la liberté de la presse, de la liberté d’expression et du pluralisme des opinions au Mali. L’Observatoire exhorte la justice malienne à libérer immédiatement et sans conditions Chahana Takiou et Abdehrmane Keïta, ainsi que tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains arbitrairement détenu·es dans le pays, et à abandonner toutes les charges à leur encontre.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/belarus-human-rights-organisations-denounce-systemic-crisis-of-democracy-and-human-rights-in-the-labour-sector/ Thu, 04 Jun 2026 22:33:26 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24859 Paris-Geneva, 4 June 2026 - Belarus is facing a profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector, marked by the dismantling of independent trade unions, the imprisonment of trade union leaders and activists, and widespread restrictions on workers’ rights. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, denounce this profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector and declare that the current situation is complex in nature and affects fundamental labour rights guaranteed by international law, including freedom of association, the right to decent work, the prohibition of forced labour, and non-discrimination. Since 2004, the Belarusian authorities have systematically ignored and failed to implement the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Commission of Inquiry aimed at ensuring freedom of association, registration of independent trade unions, and removal of obstacles to their activities. Following the presidential election on 9 August 2020 - the legitimacy of which, along with its official results, was called into question by a significant number of international and Belarusian organisations - and the subsequent mass peaceful protests, the situation regarding freedom of association in the labour sector in Belarus began to deteriorate steadily. In 2022, the Belarusian authorities forcibly dissolved all independent trade unions (SPM, SPB, BNP, REP), as well as their umbrella organisation, the Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions (BKDP). Their leaders and activists faced criminal prosecution, arrest and imprisonment, and were forced to leave the country. As a result, the activities of independent trade unions within Belarus were effectively halted, and workers’ ability to form and participate in independent trade unions, engage in collective representation, and defend their labour rights was significantly restricted. Under these circumstances, independent worker representation has become virtually impossible. These restrictions are systemic in nature, as they are supported by a combination of legislative mechanisms, law enforcement practices, and repressive policies targeting independent actors. Against this backdrop, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) functions de facto as part of the state governance system and does not provide genuine protection of workers’ rights and interests. In 2023, an unprecedented measure was taken against Belarus under Article 33 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) – only the second such case in the history of the organisation. The application of Article 33 of the ILO Constitution is a recognition by the international community of serious and systematic violations committed by the State and requires coordinated action by member States. At present, more than 20 trade union leaders and activists are in prison, and over 50 have already served their sentences but remain non-exonerated. The restrictions imposed on the latter based on their criminal records and their inclusion on lists of ‘extremists’ and ‘terrorists’ are the continuation of repression against them. Although formally released from detention, they effectively continue to serve their sentences. A number of unlawfully convicted and imprisoned trade union activists, including Aliaksandr Yarashuk, Chairperson of the BKDP and member of the ILO Governing Body, and Hennadz Fiadynich, Chairperson of REP, were forcibly expelled from the country, had their passports confiscated, and were effectively deprived of social rights, including the right to a pension. Maksim Senik, a member of the Independent Trade Union ‘Hrodna Azot’, was also forcibly expelled, and his passport was annulled without legal grounds. The widespread use of forced labour practices is a cause for particular concern. These include the use of labour from prisoners, individuals placed in medical labour centres, and people with disabilities who are permanently resident in social care homes (which is especially critical for those with neuropsychiatric conditions); the application of legislation on so-called ‘social dependency’; compulsory community work days (‘subbotniks’); the mandatory job placement of young professionals; a contract-based employment system that restricts the freedom to terminate employment relationships; and other forms of labour that do not comply with the principle of voluntariness. These practices contravene Belarus’s international obligations, including those under the International Labour Organisation. We also observe systematic discrimination against workers on political grounds. Individuals who express dissent with government policy or participate in peaceful protests face dismissal, denial of employment, and inclusion on informal ‘blacklists’. The formal grounds for discriminating against such individuals are continually expanding, not only depriving them of their civil rights but also preventing them from fully participating in economic and social life: hiring rules, performance evaluation guidelines, and codes of ethics are being altered. Since 2023, a ban has been enshrined in law on at least eight professions for people who have been held criminally and/or administratively liable under ‘political’ articles. Gender discrimination also remains systemic. Women continue to face restrictions on access to certain types of employment due to the continued existence of a list of ‘prohibited professions’, gender quotas in the education system, and unequal treatment at work. The overly broad application of legislation aimed at combating ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ has become an additional instrument restricting the right to work. Inclusion of citizens in relevant lists effectively bars them from employment in certain sectors, imposes financial restrictions, and leads to social isolation, thereby violating the principles of proportionality and legal certainty. As a result, social dialogue in Belarus has been replaced by a mere facade: independent workers’ representatives have been excluded from it, while the key role is played by the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB), which is de facto integrated into the state system and lacks institutional independence. This model systematically perpetuates labour rights violations and precludes the possibility of their effective protection within the country. Belarus consistently evades cooperation with international monitoring mechanisms. The authorities refuse to engage constructively with UN bodies, ignore the recommendations of the ILO, and do not recognise the mandate of the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus. The undersigned Independent trade unions, human rights organisations, representatives of Belarusian civil society initiatives, and international human rights organisations declare their intention to establish and develop cooperation and to join forces with the aim of building a democratic society based on the principles of the rule of law, social justice, and decent work. We express our strong support for the mandate of Mr Lelio Bentes Corrêa, the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus, and call for its further strengthening. In the absence of effective domestic mechanisms to protect labour rights, international attention and cooperation remain key instruments for supporting workers in Belarus. In this regard, we call on the member states of the UN agencies, the ILO, other international organisations, and the business community to:

1. Step up cooperation in implementing Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with regard to Belarus.
2. Take concerted action to ensure that Belarus fulfills its international obligations in labour relations.
3. Seek full recognition by the Government of Belarus of the mandate of all UN human rights mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation with human rights in Belarus, the Group of Independent Experts on the situation with human rights in Belarus, and the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus.
4. Take labour rights violations into account when formulating sanctions and trade policies.
5. Ensure that companies engaging with any Belarusian businesses, state bodies, or other organisations implement appropriate human rights due diligence procedures.
6. Support independent trade union and human rights initiatives, including those operating in exile.
7. Seek the immediate release of all trade union leaders and activists and an end to the politically motivated persecution of workers.
8. Promote the restoration of freedom of association and the creation of conditions for the functioning of independent trade unions in Belarus.

The systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector in Belarus requires an immediate and coordinated international response. Without the restoration of independent trade unions, neither decent work nor sustainable development can be ensured.]]> Paris-Geneva, 4 June 2026 - Belarus is facing a profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector, marked by the dismantling of independent trade unions, the imprisonment of trade union leaders and activists, and widespread restrictions on workers’ rights. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, denounce this profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector and declare that the current situation is complex in nature and affects fundamental labour rights guaranteed by international law, including freedom of association, the right to decent work, the prohibition of forced labour, and non-discrimination. Since 2004, the Belarusian authorities have systematically ignored and failed to implement the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Commission of Inquiry aimed at ensuring freedom of association, registration of independent trade unions, and removal of obstacles to their activities. Following the presidential election on 9 August 2020 - the legitimacy of which, along with its official results, was called into question by a significant number of international and Belarusian organisations - and the subsequent mass peaceful protests, the situation regarding freedom of association in the labour sector in Belarus began to deteriorate steadily. In 2022, the Belarusian authorities forcibly dissolved all independent trade unions (SPM, SPB, BNP, REP), as well as their umbrella organisation, the Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions (BKDP). Their leaders and activists faced criminal prosecution, arrest and imprisonment, and were forced to leave the country. As a result, the activities of independent trade unions within Belarus were effectively halted, and workers’ ability to form and participate in independent trade unions, engage in collective representation, and defend their labour rights was significantly restricted. Under these circumstances, independent worker representation has become virtually impossible. These restrictions are systemic in nature, as they are supported by a combination of legislative mechanisms, law enforcement practices, and repressive policies targeting independent actors. Against this backdrop, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) functions de facto as part of the state governance system and does not provide genuine protection of workers’ rights and interests. In 2023, an unprecedented measure was taken against Belarus under Article 33 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) – only the second such case in the history of the organisation. The application of Article 33 of the ILO Constitution is a recognition by the international community of serious and systematic violations committed by the State and requires coordinated action by member States. At present, more than 20 trade union leaders and activists are in prison, and over 50 have already served their sentences but remain non-exonerated. The restrictions imposed on the latter based on their criminal records and their inclusion on lists of ‘extremists’ and ‘terrorists’ are the continuation of repression against them. Although formally released from detention, they effectively continue to serve their sentences. A number of unlawfully convicted and imprisoned trade union activists, including Aliaksandr Yarashuk, Chairperson of the BKDP and member of the ILO Governing Body, and Hennadz Fiadynich, Chairperson of REP, were forcibly expelled from the country, had their passports confiscated, and were effectively deprived of social rights, including the right to a pension. Maksim Senik, a member of the Independent Trade Union ‘Hrodna Azot’, was also forcibly expelled, and his passport was annulled without legal grounds. The widespread use of forced labour practices is a cause for particular concern. These include the use of labour from prisoners, individuals placed in medical labour centres, and people with disabilities who are permanently resident in social care homes (which is especially critical for those with neuropsychiatric conditions); the application of legislation on so-called ‘social dependency’; compulsory community work days (‘subbotniks’); the mandatory job placement of young professionals; a contract-based employment system that restricts the freedom to terminate employment relationships; and other forms of labour that do not comply with the principle of voluntariness. These practices contravene Belarus’s international obligations, including those under the International Labour Organisation. We also observe systematic discrimination against workers on political grounds. Individuals who express dissent with government policy or participate in peaceful protests face dismissal, denial of employment, and inclusion on informal ‘blacklists’. The formal grounds for discriminating against such individuals are continually expanding, not only depriving them of their civil rights but also preventing them from fully participating in economic and social life: hiring rules, performance evaluation guidelines, and codes of ethics are being altered. Since 2023, a ban has been enshrined in law on at least eight professions for people who have been held criminally and/or administratively liable under ‘political’ articles. Gender discrimination also remains systemic. Women continue to face restrictions on access to certain types of employment due to the continued existence of a list of ‘prohibited professions’, gender quotas in the education system, and unequal treatment at work. The overly broad application of legislation aimed at combating ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ has become an additional instrument restricting the right to work. Inclusion of citizens in relevant lists effectively bars them from employment in certain sectors, imposes financial restrictions, and leads to social isolation, thereby violating the principles of proportionality and legal certainty. As a result, social dialogue in Belarus has been replaced by a mere facade: independent workers’ representatives have been excluded from it, while the key role is played by the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB), which is de facto integrated into the state system and lacks institutional independence. This model systematically perpetuates labour rights violations and precludes the possibility of their effective protection within the country. Belarus consistently evades cooperation with international monitoring mechanisms. The authorities refuse to engage constructively with UN bodies, ignore the recommendations of the ILO, and do not recognise the mandate of the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus. The undersigned Independent trade unions, human rights organisations, representatives of Belarusian civil society initiatives, and international human rights organisations declare their intention to establish and develop cooperation and to join forces with the aim of building a democratic society based on the principles of the rule of law, social justice, and decent work. We express our strong support for the mandate of Mr Lelio Bentes Corrêa, the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus, and call for its further strengthening. In the absence of effective domestic mechanisms to protect labour rights, international attention and cooperation remain key instruments for supporting workers in Belarus. In this regard, we call on the member states of the UN agencies, the ILO, other international organisations, and the business community to:

1. Step up cooperation in implementing Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with regard to Belarus.
2. Take concerted action to ensure that Belarus fulfills its international obligations in labour relations.
3. Seek full recognition by the Government of Belarus of the mandate of all UN human rights mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation with human rights in Belarus, the Group of Independent Experts on the situation with human rights in Belarus, and the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus.
4. Take labour rights violations into account when formulating sanctions and trade policies.
5. Ensure that companies engaging with any Belarusian businesses, state bodies, or other organisations implement appropriate human rights due diligence procedures.
6. Support independent trade union and human rights initiatives, including those operating in exile.
7. Seek the immediate release of all trade union leaders and activists and an end to the politically motivated persecution of workers.
8. Promote the restoration of freedom of association and the creation of conditions for the functioning of independent trade unions in Belarus.

The systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector in Belarus requires an immediate and coordinated international response. Without the restoration of independent trade unions, neither decent work nor sustainable development can be ensured.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/ethiopia-civic-space-and-security-at-risk-ahead-of-the-7th-general-elections/ Thu, 28 May 2026 21:55:10 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24847 Paris-Geneva, 28 May 2026 – The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, express serious concern at the environment in which Ethiopia’s 7th General Election will be conducted on 1 June 2026. The election will determine the composition of the House of Peoples’ Representatives — Ethiopia’s 547-seat lower chamber of Parliament — whose members, once elected, will determine the formation of the government, including the election of the Prime Minister from among their ranks. The Ethiopian Government must take concrete steps, in the immediate term and over the longer term, to protect human rights defenders, restore civic space, and ensure an electoral environment consistent with Ethiopia’s own Constitution and international human rights obligations. An electoral process cannot be considered credible, free or fair in a country where human rights defenders (HRDs) face systematic targeting, civil society organisations operate under the threat of suspension and dissolution, independent journalists work in a climate of fear, and armed conflict continues in multiple regions with little accountability. The Repression of Human Rights Defenders When Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, Ethiopia’s human rights community hoped that a genuine democratic opening had arrived. Those hopes have been significantly undermined. The Observatory’s December 2025 report, "The Illusion of Progress: Ethiopia’s Human Rights Defenders Under Attack", based on 41 documented cases between 2020 and 2025, found that "violations reminiscent of pre-2018 repression have returned with greater intensity". Seven HRDs in the documented cases suffered torture; four were subjected to enforced disappearance. More than 50 journalists and defenders have fled into exile. The re-emergence of the notorious Awash Arba military camp as a site of secret detention and torture is a deeply troubling development that recalls practices the country had appeared to move beyond. Since late 2024, the Authority for Civil Society Organizations (ACSO) suspended at least five major organisations, including the Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Center (EHRDC), Center for Advancement of Rights & Democracy (CARD), Association of Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE), Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR). While the suspensions were lifted in March 2025 following intense advocacy efforts, the episode underlined the fragility of civil society’s operating environment and the ease with which organisations can be targeted on vague grounds. Earlier in 2024, over 1,500 CSOs were dissolved for administrative non-compliance. A proposed new CSO law drafted in mid-2025 — still pending as of the date of this statement and not yet tabled in parliament — would further constrain independent civil society by placing governance under direct state control, banning international advocacy funding, granting the Ministry of Justice broad power to dissolve organisations, and eliminating judicial appeal. These are structural issues that require sustained engagement and legislative reform over the coming period. Ethiopia ranked 145th out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ (RSF) 2025 Press Freedom Index, with eight journalists currently imprisoned. Ethiopian security forces arrested at least six journalists in August–September 2025 alone. In February 2026, authorities revoked Reuters journalists’ accreditation following a critical investigative report. At the 61st session of the UN Human Rights Council in March 2026, 41 countries issued a joint statement warning that "full respect for civil and political rights and a free civil society and media environment are preconditions for free and fair elections," urging Ethiopia to "reverse the current negative trend". Elections in a Context of Conflict and Impunity Ethiopia’s June 2026 elections - the first since the armed conflict broke out in Tigray in 2020 - take place against the backdrop of ongoing armed conflict in Amhara and Oromia, where federal forces, Fano militias, and the Oromo Liberation Army have all been implicated in serious human rights abuses. As of December 2025, UNHCR recorded approximately 1.9 million internally displaced persons in Ethiopia, with ongoing conflict continuing to drive new displacement into 2026. Ensuring that citizens in conflict-affected areas can participate meaningfully in the electoral process remains a significant and unresolved challenge. The transitional justice process remains at an early stage. While the government adopted a transitional justice policy in April 2024 and finalised an implementation roadmap by August 2024, the key institutions it foresees — including a truth and reconciliation commission, special prosecutor bench, and reparations fund — have not yet been operationalised. No meaningful accountability has been pursued for crimes committed during the Tigray conflict. Ten major opposition parties publicly declared in November 2025 that there was "no foundation whatsoever for a democratic process in the country" and outlined fundamental preconditions for electoral participation, including the release of political prisoners, an end to armed conflict, and guarantees of freedom of assembly. As recently as January 2026, further opposition groupings warned that the candidate registration process lacked transparency and that political parties continued to face "politically motivated administrative barriers" to participation. Recommendations: We urge the Ethiopian Government to:

1. Release all arbitrarily detained HRDs, journalists, and opposition members who are held for the peaceful exercise of their rights, as an immediate priority ahead of and following the elections;
2. Withdraw the proposed draft CSO proclamation and initiate a genuine, inclusive consultation process with civil society before any new legislation is adopted;
3. Ensure that the reversal of civil society suspensions in March 2025 marks a genuine and durable change in practice, not a temporary reprieve; refrain from using administrative mechanisms to suspend or dissolve organisations on political or vaguely defined grounds; and guarantee that all future decisions affecting CSOs are subject to transparent criteria and independent judicial oversight;
4. Ensure that all detainees, including those in military facilities, have immediate access to legal counsel and family members, and investigate credible reports of torture and ill-treatment at detention sites;
5. End the harassment of journalists, restore accreditations revoked on political grounds, review the April 2025 media law amendments, and ensure equal media access for all political parties during and after the electoral period;
6. Guarantee access for domestic and international election observers — including in conflict-affected zones in Amhara, Oromia, and Tigray — and uphold the independence of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE);
7. Ensure that security forces are not deployed for political intimidation, and that all citizens and parties can campaign and assemble freely and peacefully;
8. Commit to a credible implementation timeline for the 2024 transitional justice policy, with adequate resources and independence for its proposed mechanisms.

We call on the International Community to:

1. Engage Ethiopia on the need for concrete, sustained improvements in the protection of HRDs, freedom of expression, and civic space, including pressing for the withdrawal of the proposed restrictive CSO law;
2. Deploy independent election observation missions — including to conflict-affected areas — and report findings transparently, noting that only IGAD has announced an observation mission as of the date of this statement;
3. Continue to raise documented patterns of repression at multilateral forums and support sustained UN Human Rights Council monitoring of the human rights situation in Ethiopia;
4. Encourage Ethiopia to implement recommendations from its Universal Periodic Review relating to freedom of expression, association, and the protection of human rights defenders;
5. Support full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement as the framework for peace in northern Ethiopia, and encourage all parties to resolve outstanding disputes through dialogue rather than armed confrontation.​

Meaningful democracy requires more than elections — it depends on the existence of an open civic space in which human rights defenders, civil society organisations, and the media can operate without fear of reprisals. The Observatory recognises that many of the structural challenges documented in this statement are long-term in nature and will require sustained political will and sustained engagement by all actors. However, some measures — releasing those detained for peaceful advocacy, guaranteeing observer access, and ensuring freedom of assembly during the campaign — are within the government’s immediate capacity and should be acted upon without delay. The Observatory will continue to monitor the situation and stands in solidarity with Ethiopia’s human rights defenders.]]> Paris-Geneva, 28 May 2026 – The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, express serious concern at the environment in which Ethiopia’s 7th General Election will be conducted on 1 June 2026. The election will determine the composition of the House of Peoples’ Representatives — Ethiopia’s 547-seat lower chamber of Parliament — whose members, once elected, will determine the formation of the government, including the election of the Prime Minister from among their ranks. The Ethiopian Government must take concrete steps, in the immediate term and over the longer term, to protect human rights defenders, restore civic space, and ensure an electoral environment consistent with Ethiopia’s own Constitution and international human rights obligations. An electoral process cannot be considered credible, free or fair in a country where human rights defenders (HRDs) face systematic targeting, civil society organisations operate under the threat of suspension and dissolution, independent journalists work in a climate of fear, and armed conflict continues in multiple regions with little accountability. The Repression of Human Rights Defenders When Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, Ethiopia’s human rights community hoped that a genuine democratic opening had arrived. Those hopes have been significantly undermined. The Observatory’s December 2025 report, "The Illusion of Progress: Ethiopia’s Human Rights Defenders Under Attack", based on 41 documented cases between 2020 and 2025, found that "violations reminiscent of pre-2018 repression have returned with greater intensity". Seven HRDs in the documented cases suffered torture; four were subjected to enforced disappearance. More than 50 journalists and defenders have fled into exile. The re-emergence of the notorious Awash Arba military camp as a site of secret detention and torture is a deeply troubling development that recalls practices the country had appeared to move beyond. Since late 2024, the Authority for Civil Society Organizations (ACSO) suspended at least five major organisations, including the Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Center (EHRDC), Center for Advancement of Rights & Democracy (CARD), Association of Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE), Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO) and Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR). While the suspensions were lifted in March 2025 following intense advocacy efforts, the episode underlined the fragility of civil society’s operating environment and the ease with which organisations can be targeted on vague grounds. Earlier in 2024, over 1,500 CSOs were dissolved for administrative non-compliance. A proposed new CSO law drafted in mid-2025 — still pending as of the date of this statement and not yet tabled in parliament — would further constrain independent civil society by placing governance under direct state control, banning international advocacy funding, granting the Ministry of Justice broad power to dissolve organisations, and eliminating judicial appeal. These are structural issues that require sustained engagement and legislative reform over the coming period. Ethiopia ranked 145th out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ (RSF) 2025 Press Freedom Index, with eight journalists currently imprisoned. Ethiopian security forces arrested at least six journalists in August–September 2025 alone. In February 2026, authorities revoked Reuters journalists’ accreditation following a critical investigative report. At the 61st session of the UN Human Rights Council in March 2026, 41 countries issued a joint statement warning that "full respect for civil and political rights and a free civil society and media environment are preconditions for free and fair elections," urging Ethiopia to "reverse the current negative trend". Elections in a Context of Conflict and Impunity Ethiopia’s June 2026 elections - the first since the armed conflict broke out in Tigray in 2020 - take place against the backdrop of ongoing armed conflict in Amhara and Oromia, where federal forces, Fano militias, and the Oromo Liberation Army have all been implicated in serious human rights abuses. As of December 2025, UNHCR recorded approximately 1.9 million internally displaced persons in Ethiopia, with ongoing conflict continuing to drive new displacement into 2026. Ensuring that citizens in conflict-affected areas can participate meaningfully in the electoral process remains a significant and unresolved challenge. The transitional justice process remains at an early stage. While the government adopted a transitional justice policy in April 2024 and finalised an implementation roadmap by August 2024, the key institutions it foresees — including a truth and reconciliation commission, special prosecutor bench, and reparations fund — have not yet been operationalised. No meaningful accountability has been pursued for crimes committed during the Tigray conflict. Ten major opposition parties publicly declared in November 2025 that there was "no foundation whatsoever for a democratic process in the country" and outlined fundamental preconditions for electoral participation, including the release of political prisoners, an end to armed conflict, and guarantees of freedom of assembly. As recently as January 2026, further opposition groupings warned that the candidate registration process lacked transparency and that political parties continued to face "politically motivated administrative barriers" to participation. Recommendations: We urge the Ethiopian Government to:

1. Release all arbitrarily detained HRDs, journalists, and opposition members who are held for the peaceful exercise of their rights, as an immediate priority ahead of and following the elections;
2. Withdraw the proposed draft CSO proclamation and initiate a genuine, inclusive consultation process with civil society before any new legislation is adopted;
3. Ensure that the reversal of civil society suspensions in March 2025 marks a genuine and durable change in practice, not a temporary reprieve; refrain from using administrative mechanisms to suspend or dissolve organisations on political or vaguely defined grounds; and guarantee that all future decisions affecting CSOs are subject to transparent criteria and independent judicial oversight;
4. Ensure that all detainees, including those in military facilities, have immediate access to legal counsel and family members, and investigate credible reports of torture and ill-treatment at detention sites;
5. End the harassment of journalists, restore accreditations revoked on political grounds, review the April 2025 media law amendments, and ensure equal media access for all political parties during and after the electoral period;
6. Guarantee access for domestic and international election observers — including in conflict-affected zones in Amhara, Oromia, and Tigray — and uphold the independence of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE);
7. Ensure that security forces are not deployed for political intimidation, and that all citizens and parties can campaign and assemble freely and peacefully;
8. Commit to a credible implementation timeline for the 2024 transitional justice policy, with adequate resources and independence for its proposed mechanisms.

We call on the International Community to:

1. Engage Ethiopia on the need for concrete, sustained improvements in the protection of HRDs, freedom of expression, and civic space, including pressing for the withdrawal of the proposed restrictive CSO law;
2. Deploy independent election observation missions — including to conflict-affected areas — and report findings transparently, noting that only IGAD has announced an observation mission as of the date of this statement;
3. Continue to raise documented patterns of repression at multilateral forums and support sustained UN Human Rights Council monitoring of the human rights situation in Ethiopia;
4. Encourage Ethiopia to implement recommendations from its Universal Periodic Review relating to freedom of expression, association, and the protection of human rights defenders;
5. Support full implementation of the Pretoria Agreement as the framework for peace in northern Ethiopia, and encourage all parties to resolve outstanding disputes through dialogue rather than armed confrontation.​

Meaningful democracy requires more than elections — it depends on the existence of an open civic space in which human rights defenders, civil society organisations, and the media can operate without fear of reprisals. The Observatory recognises that many of the structural challenges documented in this statement are long-term in nature and will require sustained political will and sustained engagement by all actors. However, some measures — releasing those detained for peaceful advocacy, guaranteeing observer access, and ensuring freedom of assembly during the campaign — are within the government’s immediate capacity and should be acted upon without delay. The Observatory will continue to monitor the situation and stands in solidarity with Ethiopia’s human rights defenders.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/togo-quand-photographier-un-caniveau-devient-une-atteinte-a-la-surete-de-letat/ Wed, 20 May 2026 16:42:47 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24773 atteinte à la sûreté de l’État » et « divulgation du bien de l’État ». 20 mai 2026. Cette instrumentalisation de la justice transforme un acte citoyen, la photographie d’ouvrages publics destinés à lutter contre les inondations dans le cadre du Contrôle citoyen de l’action publique, en un prétendu crime d’État. Cette affaire révèle une dérive inquiétante et continue de l’appareil judiciaire togolais, marquée par : l’abus d’autorité - la détention de M. Sokpor a dépassé les délais légaux de garde à vue avant même sa présentation devant un juge ; la criminalisation de l’engagement citoyen - l’utilisation de chefs d’accusation liés à la « sûreté de l’État » pour des faits aussi anodins trahit une volonté délibérée de museler toute voix critique ; le harcèlement ciblé - M. Sokpor, citoyen engagé, a déjà été injustement emprisonné par le passé pour avoir publié un poème intitulé « Fais ta part ». En cautionnant les tortures, étranglement, brutalités et blessures, subies par M. Sokpor lors de son arrestation, la justice togolaise envoie un message dangereux : elle protège les agresseur·es et punit les victimes. Cette impunité institutionnalisée cultive la pratique des détentions arbitraires et de la torture et place chaque Togolais·e dans l’insécurité permanente. Face à cette situation, les signataires : exigent la libération immédiate et sans condition de M. Sokpor Kossi Sitsopé Honoré et l’abandon des charges infondées portées contre lui ; demandent que les auteur·es des torture commises à son encontre lors de son enlèvement le 24 avril 2026 fassent l’objet de poursuites ; appellent les organisations internationales, les partenaires du Togo et la communauté des droits humains à dénoncer l’utilisation systématique de la détention comme moyen de réduire au silence la société civile. La quête de démocratie et de justice ne saurait être sacrifiée sur l’autel de l’arbitraire. Les signataires réaffirment leur engagement indéfectible pour la défense des libertés fondamentales et la construction d’un état de droit au Togo.]]> atteinte à la sûreté de l’État » et « divulgation du bien de l’État ». 20 mai 2026. Cette instrumentalisation de la justice transforme un acte citoyen, la photographie d’ouvrages publics destinés à lutter contre les inondations dans le cadre du Contrôle citoyen de l’action publique, en un prétendu crime d’État. Cette affaire révèle une dérive inquiétante et continue de l’appareil judiciaire togolais, marquée par : l’abus d’autorité - la détention de M. Sokpor a dépassé les délais légaux de garde à vue avant même sa présentation devant un juge ; la criminalisation de l’engagement citoyen - l’utilisation de chefs d’accusation liés à la « sûreté de l’État » pour des faits aussi anodins trahit une volonté délibérée de museler toute voix critique ; le harcèlement ciblé - M. Sokpor, citoyen engagé, a déjà été injustement emprisonné par le passé pour avoir publié un poème intitulé « Fais ta part ». En cautionnant les tortures, étranglement, brutalités et blessures, subies par M. Sokpor lors de son arrestation, la justice togolaise envoie un message dangereux : elle protège les agresseur·es et punit les victimes. Cette impunité institutionnalisée cultive la pratique des détentions arbitraires et de la torture et place chaque Togolais·e dans l’insécurité permanente. Face à cette situation, les signataires : exigent la libération immédiate et sans condition de M. Sokpor Kossi Sitsopé Honoré et l’abandon des charges infondées portées contre lui ; demandent que les auteur·es des torture commises à son encontre lors de son enlèvement le 24 avril 2026 fassent l’objet de poursuites ; appellent les organisations internationales, les partenaires du Togo et la communauté des droits humains à dénoncer l’utilisation systématique de la détention comme moyen de réduire au silence la société civile. La quête de démocratie et de justice ne saurait être sacrifiée sur l’autel de l’arbitraire. Les signataires réaffirment leur engagement indéfectible pour la défense des libertés fondamentales et la construction d’un état de droit au Togo.]]>