Conviction – The Observatory For Defenders

India: Kashmiri journalist and human rights defender Irfan Mehraj held for three-years in pre-trial detention

Esteban Munoz — Thu, 19 Mar 2026 16:06:18 +0000

As journalist and human rights defender Irfan Mehraj marks three years in arbitrary detention tomorrow, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), together with the undersigned civil society organisations, call for his immediate and unconditional release. We continue to stand in solidarity with Irfan and his family. We also demand an end to the Indian government’s continued repression of human rights defenders and journalists in Jammu and Kashmir. 19 March 2026. On 20 March 2023, Irfan Mehraj was detained by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) under provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on politically motivated and fabricated charges. According to the NIA, Irfan Mehraj was arrested for being ‘a close associate of Khurram Parvez’. Khurram Parvez is a HRD and the Program Coordinator of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a leading civil society organisation in Jammu and Kashmir. Indian authorities continue to arbitrarily detain Khurram Parvez for over four years now on politically motivated and fabricated charges. The ongoing detentions of Irfan Mehraj and Khurram Parvez highlight a broader pattern of persecution of human rights defenders and journalists in Jammu and Kashmir. The authorities have used the UAPA – a draconian anti-terror law - and the repressive Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (PSA), which permits long-term detention without trial, to criminalise and silence journalists and human rights defenders in Jammu and Kashmir. This has worsened since the unilateral abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood in August 2019. In recent months, the police continued to harass and intimidate journalists from Indian-administered Kashmir for their reporting, including through summoning them for repeated police interrogations and demanding that journalists sign a bond undertaking that they will not do anything that would ‘disturb peace’. The Indian government has continuously failed to respond to concerns regarding human rights violations in Kashmir raised by United Nations experts and international human rights organisations. India should respect its international human rights obligations and end its reprisal against human rights defenders and journalists, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. Other countries at the UN Human Rights Council should address these flagrant violations by a sitting member state. Our organisations urge the Indian authorities to repeal repressive laws including the UAPA and the PSA and to create an enabling environment for civil society and the media to freely and independently operate in Jammu and Kashmir. As India continues to work towards securing stronger multilateral and bilateral relations, we call on the international community to urge the Indian government to comply with its international human rights obligations, release Irfan Mehraj, Khurram Parvez and all other detained Kashmiri human rights defenders and end its repression in Jammu and Kashmir.

Tunisie : la défenseure des droits humains Saadia Mosbah doit être libérée

Esteban Munoz — Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:09:08 +0000

L’Observatoire a été informé du maintien en détention de Mme Saadia Mosbah, défenseure des droits humains tunisienne, militante antiraciste et présidente de l’association M’nemty, engagée contre les discriminations raciales et pour les droits des personnes en déplacement en Tunisie. Elle a notamment contribué aux mobilisations ayant conduit à l’adoption en 2018 d’une loi tunisienne criminalisant les discriminations raciales. Le 12 mars 2026, Mme Saadia Mosbah a comparu devant la chambre criminelle du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, dans le cadre d’une affaire dans laquelle elle est poursuivie pour blanchiment d’argent en vertu de la loi n°26 de 2015 relative à la lutte contre le terrorisme et le blanchiment d’argent, pour enrichissement illicite et constitution d’une entente criminelle en lien avec les activités de l’association M’nemty, qu’elle préside. Lors de cette audience, ses avocat·es et ses proches ont demandé sa libération, dénonçant un « dossier vide et sans preuves ». Selon sa défense, l’état de santé de Mme Mosbah s’est fortement dégradé au cours de sa détention prolongée. La juridiction a toutefois rejeté sa demande de remise en liberté, et a fixé la prochaine audience au 19 mars 2026 afin d’examiner l’affaire sur le fond. Le 6 mai 2024, les autorités tunisiennes ont arrêté Mme Saadia Mosbah à son domicile dans le cadre d’une enquête judiciaire visant l’association M’nemty. L’enquête porte notamment sur les financements reçus par M’nemty dans le cadre de ses activités de soutien aux personnes en déplacement et de lutte contre les discriminations raciales. Le lendemain de cette arrestation, le 7 mai, les forces de l’ordre ont perquisitionné le siège de l’association M’nemty ainsi que le domicile de Mme Mosbah à Tunis. À l’issue de cette opération, les autorités ont placé la défenseure en détention provisoire à la prison pour femmes de Manouba, au nord du pays. Plusieurs membres de l’association ont également été convoqué·es, interrogé·es puis poursuivi·es pour les mêmes accusations par les autorités judiciaires dans les jours et semaines qui ont suivi, sans être incarcéré·es. Au cours des mois qui ont suivi l’arrestation de Mme Mosbah, le parquet près le tribunal de première instance de Tunis a prolongé à plusieurs reprises sa détention provisoire. En mars 2025, un rapport d’expertise comptable versé au dossier a conclu que les financements de l’association M’nemty étaient légaux, transparents et de faible ampleur, ce qui contredit les accusations de blanchiment d’argent portées contre Mme Mosbah. Malgré ces conclusions, les poursuites ont été maintenues. Le 22 décembre 2025, le procès de Mme Saadia Mosbah s’était ouvert devant la chambre criminelle du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, où plusieurs dizaines de personnes se sont rassemblées pour demander sa libération. Plusieurs membres de l’association M’nemty, également poursuivi·es, comparaissaient libres. Depuis le début de sa détention, Mme Mosbah a également dénoncé des conditions de détention difficiles. Transférée de la prison pour femmes de Manouba vers celle de Béni Khalled, dans le gouvernorat de Nabeul, elle a signalé dans des lettres rendues publiques en septembre et octobre 2025 des difficultés d’accès à l’eau potable, des restrictions concernant la réception de livres ainsi que des limitations dans les visites familiales. L’Observatoire rappelle qu’en février 2023, le président tunisien Kaïs Saïed a prononcé un discours dénonçant l’arrivée de personnes migrantes d’Afrique subsaharienne et évoquant un prétendu complot visant à modifier la composition démographique du pays. L’arrestation de Mme Mosbah est intervenue dans ce contexte de campagnes de diffamation et de harcèlement visant l’association M’nemty et plusieurs de ses membres sur les réseaux sociaux, accusant notamment l’organisation de participer à ce prétendu complot. L’Observatoire rappelle également que les poursuites visant Mme Mosbah s’inscrivent dans un contexte de répression croissante de la société civile en Tunisie, marqué par des poursuites judiciaires contre des défenseur·es des droits humains, des campagnes de dénigrement dans les médias et des restrictions visant les organisations travaillant sur les questions migratoires. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face au maintien en détention de Mme Saadia Mosbah depuis près de deux ans et considère que les poursuites engagées contre elle semblent viser à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains, notamment son engagement contre le racisme et pour la défense des droits des personnes en déplacement. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités tunisiennes à libérer immédiatement Mme Mosbah et note également que ces conditions de détention, compte tenu notamment de son âge (66 ans) et des préoccupations relatives à son état de santé, pourraient constituer des traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants contraires aux obligations internationales de la Tunisie, notamment de l’article 7 et de l’article 10 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques, ainsi que de l’article 16 de la Convention des Nations unies contre la torture. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités tunisiennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique de Saadia Mosbah et de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Tunisie, et garantir son accès à des soins adéquats et aux visites ; Libérer immédiatement et de manière inconditionnelle Saadia Mosbah et tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains arbitrairement détenu·es pour leur travail légitime de défense des droits humains ; Mettre un terme à tout acte de harcèlement, y compris au niveau judiciaire, à l’encontre de Saadia Mosbah ainsi que de tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains ; Garantir le respect effectif du droit à un procès équitable pour Saadia Mosbah et l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains et détenu·e·s en Tunisie ; et Cesser de cibler les défenseur.es et les organisations de droits humains, les journalistes et les médias en Tunisie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles. Adresses : • M. Kaïs Saïed, Président de la République, Email : contact@carthage.tn ; X : @TnPresidency • Mme Sarra Zaafrani Zanzri, Cheffe de gouvernement, Email : boc@pm.gov.tn ; X : @TunisiaPM • Mme Leila Jaffel, Ministre de la Justice, Email : info@e-justice.tn • M. Khaled Nouri , Ministre de l’Intérieur, Email : boc@interieur.gov.tn • M. Sabri Bachtobji, Ambassadeur, Représentant permanent de la Tunisie auprès des Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, Email : at.geneve@diplomatie.gov.tn • M. Sahbi Khalfallah, Ambassadeur, Ambassade de la Tunisie à Bruxelles, Belgique, Email : at.belgique@diplomatie.gov.tn Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques de Tunisie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 Mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39

Bahrain: Release human rights defender Dr Abduljalil Al-Singace

Esteban Munoz — Tue, 17 Mar 2026 16:10:09 +0000

18 March 2026 His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa King of Bahrain His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa Crown Prince and Prime Minister Your Majesties, We are writing to respectfully urge Your Majesties to order the release of human rights defender Dr Abduljalil Al-Singace, who has now completed 15 years of arbitrary imprisonment while serving a life sentence for his role in the pro-democracy movement. Bahrain is currently facing unprecedented challenges as the regional conflict intensifies. The country has been subjected to multiple attacks and its airspace has been closed. At such a difficult time for the nation, acts that promote compassion, unity, and reconciliation are more important than ever. The release of Dr Al-Singace and others imprisoned for their human rights work and political views would send an important message during this difficult time. Dr Al-Singace, now 64 years old, has been held in medical facilities since July 2021 and is currently detained at Muharraq Specialised Health Care Centre. He began a hunger strike in protest of the confiscation of his manuscripts and academic research. Since then, he has survived primarily on liquid intake, including multivitamin supplements. At times, he has resorted to full hunger strikes to protest the denial of medication and access to specialised medical treatment. In November 2025, the UN Committee against Torture expressed serious concerns regarding his ongoing detention and urged Bahrain to release Dr Al-Singace, alongside fellow human rights defenders Hassan Mushaima and Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja. We remain deeply concerned that Dr Al-Singace continues to suffer from the systematic denial of adequate medical care. For example, since 2021, he has experienced severe shoulder pain. After prolonged delays in obtaining a proper diagnosis, he finally received an MRI scan last year and doctors advised that surgery is required. However, there has been no indication as to when this operation will take place. He also continues to be denied physiotherapy despite his disability. These medical concerns should be addressed without further delay. With Eid Al-Fitr approaching, an occasion traditionally marked by royal pardons, we respectfully ask that Dr Al-Singace be included among those pardoned. In the meantime, we urge Your Majesties to ensure that he is held in conditions that meet international standards, receives his medication without delay, and has access to adequate healthcare in compliance with medical ethics. We also urge the relevant authorities to facilitate the return of his confiscated research to his family at the earliest opportunity. At a time when the region is experiencing profound turmoil, the release of political prisoners, including Dr Al-Singace, would offer a meaningful gesture of compassion and help ease the suffering felt by many families in Bahrain. Yours sincerely,

Turkey: Urgent call to UN Special Rapporteurs to address the prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders in Turkey

Esteban Munoz — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 16:13:06 +0000

Paris-Geneva-Ankara, 11 March 2026. In a joint letter addressed to several UN Special Rapporteurs, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), along with other organisations, raise concerns over the prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with ÖHD and TUAD in Turkey. FOR THE ATTENTION OF: • Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression • Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association • Special Rapporteur on minority issues URGENT ACTION: Prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders who are members of Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) on 28 January 2026 in Türkiye. Dear Mandate Holders, 1. We write to express our deep and urgent concern regarding the prosecution, conviction and sentencing of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) following a decade-long trial before the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court. 2. On 28 January 2026, in proceedings dating back to 2016, the trial court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders, on terrorism-related and expression-based charges, imposing lengthy prison sentences. The prosecutions and resulting convictions appear to be based predominantly on lawyers’ lawful professional conduct - including prison visits, contact with clients, legal correspondence, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - rather than any credible evidence of criminal conduct. These mirror prior patterns of targeting lawyers for their professional activities. TUAD activists were likewise targeted solely for their legitimate human rights work, including documenting prison conditions, publicly reporting on human rights violations, and advocating for the protection of prisoners’ health and dignity, activities that fall within the protected scope of human rights defence. 3. The convictions follow proceedings marked by serious due process concerns, including extensive reliance on surveillance evidence obtained through wiretapping and technical monitoring measures authorised by judges who were later dismissed or prosecuted in connection with alleged links to the Gülenist organisation, as well as the routine rejection of defence challenges without reasoned judicial assessment. These practices raise serious concerns regarding compliance with international standards protecting the professional independence of lawyers and the lawful activities of human rights defenders. 4. In light of the gravity of these concerns, we respectfully request your urgent intervention. We urge you to call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and to terminate all criminal proceedings against the lawyers and human rights defenders concerned, in accordance with international human rights standards, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). We further invite you to urge the authorities to cease all forms of judicial harassment and undue interference with the legal profession and with human rights defence, and to ensure that lawyers and human rights defenders can carry out their lawful activities freely, independently, and without fear of reprisal. BACKGROUND AND SYSTEMIC CONTEXT 5. Since the attempted coup of July 2016, Türkiye has experienced a sustained deterioration of the rule of law and judicial independence, accompanied by widespread persecution of lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society actors. Under the pretext of counterterrorism, the authorities have systematically targeted members of the legal profession and civil society through arbitrary arrests, prolonged pre-trial detention, and criminal prosecutions based on vague and overly broad terrorism provisions, particularly Articles 314 and 220 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and Article 7(2) of the Law on Anti-Terrorism. These measures have been repeatedly criticised by international bodies for their lack of foreseeability, their misuse against lawful expression and association, and their chilling effect on the exercise of fundamental rights. 6. This pattern has been facilitated by profound structural damage to judicial independence, including the mass dismissal and replacement of judges and prosecutors, expanded executive control over judicial appointments, and the routine disregard by domestic courts of binding judgments of the ECtHR. As documented by UN mechanisms and regional bodies, these developments have enabled the instrumentalization of criminal law against lawyers and human rights defenders perceived as critical of state policies, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, political opposition, prison conditions, and allegations of torture and ill-treatment. 7. For instance, in March 2019 the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court sentenced 18 lawyers to a combined total of 159 years, 1 month, and 30 days in prison on terrorism-related charges linked to the outlawed Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party–Front (DHKP-C). The defendants included lawyers from the People’s Law Office (HHB) and the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD), many of whom had been providing legal representation in politically sensitive cases. Human rights organisations and bar associations condemned the verdicts as unjust and politically motivated, stressing that the convictions were based on lawyers’ professional activities rather than any demonstrable criminal conduct. They further warned that the proceedings reflected serious due process violations, political interference in the judiciary, and the systematic criminalisation of legal defence work, undermining the independence of the legal profession in Türkiye. 8. Another illustrative example of the criminalisation of legal defence work took place in Ankara in 2017. In June of that year, 52 lawyers were charged with “membership of a terrorist organisation” under Article 314 of the TPC. The prosecution alleged that their professional association, the Law and Life Association, formed part of the Gülen organisation, despite a police report finding no evidence of criminal activity. The indictment relied on routine legal activities such as assigning cases, representing clients linked to the Gülenist organisation, and making public statements on due process as purported proof of “aiding terrorism”. Human Rights Watch condemned the proceedings, warning that treating legal representation as evidence of criminality “threatens the very core of fair trial rights” and undermines the independence of the legal profession. 9. According to reports, more than 1,500 lawyers have been prosecuted in Türkiye since 2016, hundreds have been detained, and many have received lengthy prison sentences. These prosecutions frequently rely on evidence obtained from lawyers’ professional activities, including prison visits, client communications, participation in hearings, and public advocacy on human rights and rule of law. 10. These concerns are reflected in reporting by international media and civil society organisations concerning large-scale police operations carried out in April 2023 in Diyarbakır and other predominantly Kurdish southeastern provinces. According to media reports, Turkish police detained more than 100 individuals - including lawyers, journalists, political actors and civil society representatives - in coordinated raids targeting organisations allegedly linked to the PKK. Reports indicated that the raids involved searches of lawyers’ offices, media outlets and NGO premises, and that the total number of detainees may have reached approximately 150. 11. A series of other ongoing cases further illustrates the entrenched and continuing nature of these practices. In the context of the Gezi Park proceedings, domestic courts have repeatedly refused to give effect to binding ECtHR judgments requesting the release of human rights defender Osman Kavala. Trial courts and the Court of Cassation repeatedly failed to give effect to multiple rulings of the Constitutional Court ordering the release of opposition MP Can Atalay on the basis of his parliamentary immunity and have continued to detain Gezi Park co-defendant Tayfun Kahraman despite a Constitutional Court judgment finding violations of his rights. 12. Parallel concerns arise in relation to the continued imprisonment of human rights lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı, following the arbitrary and punitive refusal of his conditional release. In late 2024, the authorities also initiated criminal and civil proceedings against the leadership of the Istanbul Bar Association in response to a public statement addressing alleged human rights violations in Syria attributed to Turkish security forces. Earlier, in October 2022, prominent forensic expert and human rights defender Şebnem Korur (Fincancı) was detained and prosecuted for her professional assessment on the allegations concerning the use of chemical weapons in Iraqi Kurdistan by Turkish military forces. Although she was released after a period of detention, she was subsequently convicted on charge of “propaganda for a terrorist organisation”, in proceedings later criticised by UN experts as incompatible with international standards. 13. International human rights monitoring mechanisms has further highlighted the systemic nature of these practices. In its concluding observations adopted in November 2024, the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) expressed serious concern about persecution, harassment, intimidation, and reprisals against human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, Kurdish activists, environmental defenders, opposition politicians, academics, and civil society members perceived as critical of the government. The Committee also raised alarm over the alleged use of arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions to suppress dissent, noting that this climate of intimidation has forced some organisations to close or curtail their activities and has driven many individuals into self-censorship or self-imposed exile. CONVICTION OF ÖHD LAWYERS AND MEMBERS AND ACTIVISTS FROM TUAD 14. On 28 January 2026, the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court delivered its judgment in a criminal case initiated in 2016 against lawyers affiliated with the ÖHD, members and staff of the TUAD. At the conclusion of nearly ten years of proceedings, the court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders on terrorism-related and expression-based charges and imposed custodial sentences ranging from several months to multiple years of imprisonment. The convictions concerned 10 ÖHD lawyers and 20 TUAD members, while a limited number of co-defendants were acquitted15. Among the convicted lawyers were Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan. The convictions were based on Article 314(2) of the TPC (“membership of an armed organisation”), Article 7(2) of the Anti-Terrorism Law (“propaganda”), and, in one instance, Article 299 of the TPC (“insult to the President”).13Custodial sentences imposed on the lawyers ranged from 1 year and 3 months to 7 years and 6 months, with several lawyers receiving multiple cumulative sentences under different provisions. The remaining convictions concerned TUAD members or those affiliated with the organisation. 16. The conduct relied upon by the prosecution and the trial court as evidence of criminal liability consisted of lawful professional and human rights activities. In the case of the ÖHD lawyers, this included prison visits, confidential communications with clients, legal correspondence, participation in court hearings, trial monitoring, public statements, and professional coordination with colleagues. In the case of TUAD members, the evidence related to activities such as documenting prison conditions, monitoring prisoners’ health - particularly during hunger strikes - issuing public statements on rights violations and providing support to prisoners’ families. None of these acts involved incitement to violence, coercion, or participation in unlawful conduct. 17. According to reports, the prosecution was built almost exclusively on unlawfully obtained surveillance material, including wiretapping and technical monitoring measures extended over prolonged periods in breach of procedural safeguards, as well as recordings obtained from within TUAD premises and during lawyer–client meetings in prisons. Defence requests to exclude this evidence were repeatedly rejected, notwithstanding that several of the surveillance authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. 18. Throughout the trial, defence lawyers raised serious and persistent concerns regarding violations of fair trial guarantees. These included the reliance on intelligence material disconnected from any criminal act, the absence of an individualised assessment of each defendant’s conduct, the conflation of lawful association membership with criminal liability, and severe restrictions on the defence’s ability to effectively challenge evidence. The length of the proceedings, combined with the mechanical attribution of liability based on professional or associative ties, deprived the defendants of a genuine opportunity to contest the accusations against them. 19. The convictions of TUAD members and affiliates further raise grave concerns regarding the criminalisation of human rights defenders’ work. TUAD’s activities - focused on prison monitoring, prevention of ill-treatment, and advocacy for prisoners’ rights - fall directly within the protected sphere of human rights defence under international law. Prosecuting and sentencing individuals for such activities not only violates their individual rights to freedom of expression and association, but also undermines independent oversight of detention conditions, increasing the risk of torture and ill-treatment and weakening safeguards for some of the most vulnerable individuals in custody. 20. Taken together these violations take place within a broader context of weakened judicial safeguards, increasing executive influence over the courts, and restricted access to case files. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect a broader pattern of judicial harassment aimed at silencing lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in sensitive work, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, detention, and allegations of state abuse. These practices have a profound chilling effect on the legal profession and civil society, deter lawyers from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, and erode access to justice for detainees. They are incompatible with international standards governing the role and protection of lawyers and human rights defenders, as discussed in the section below. TURKEY’S OBLIGATION UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Rights of Lawyers and Rule of Law 21. Under international and regional human rights law, the rights of lawyers - including their rights to liberty and security, freedom of expression and association, and the independent exercise of their profession - are protected by a coherent body of standards. These include the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990), paragraph 7 of UN Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2004/33, Recommendation No. (2000)21 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the freedom of exercise of the profession of lawyer, and, most recently, the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer. Taken together, these instruments recognise the legal profession as a cornerstone of the administration of justice and an indispensable safeguard for the rule of law. 22. The Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers affirm that lawyers are entitled to enjoy the rights and freedoms guaranteed under international human rights law insofar as they relate to their professional functions. Principle 16 obliges States to ensure that lawyers are able to perform their duties “without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference”, and without being subjected to sanctions or prosecution for actions taken in accordance with recognised professional duties and standards. Principle 23 further guarantees lawyers’ rights to freedom of expression, opinion, and association, including the right to participate in public debate on matters concerning the law, the administration of justice, and the promotion and protection of human rights, without suffering professional or criminal repercussions. 23. These guarantees are reinforced and developed at the regional level by the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer, which was adopted in response to increasing reports of harassment, criminalisation, and undue interference with lawyers’ professional activities in Council of Europe member States, including Türkiye. The Convention affirms States’ obligations to protect lawyers from identification with their clients or causes, to safeguard the confidentiality of lawyer–client communications, and to ensure that lawyers are not subjected to criminal, civil, or administrative sanctions for carrying out their professional duties in accordance with the law and professional standards. It further emphasises that attacks on the legal profession undermine access to justice and the effective protection of human rights. 24. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers for routine professional activities - including client representation, prison visits, confidential communications, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - constitute a direct violation of these standards. By treating lawful legal work and expression as evidence of criminal liability, the authorities have interfered with lawyers’ freedom of expression and association, undermined their professional independence, and breached Articles 14 and 19 of the ICCPR, as well as Article 6 of the ECHR. Such measures not only punish individual lawyers but also deter others from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, thereby denying current and future defendants’ effective access to legal representation. B. Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Legitimate Civil Society Activity 25. TUAD members and activists fall within the definition of human rights defenders, as their activities are directed at the protection of the rights of prisoners and their families, including through prison monitoring, documentation of detention conditions, public reporting, and advocacy aimed at preventing abuse and safeguarding human dignity. These activities are expressly protected under international human rights law, including the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders”). 26. Article 9 of the Declaration affirms the right of everyone to “offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms”, while Article 11 obliges States to ensure the right to the lawful exercise of one’s occupation or profession. Articles 5 and 6 further protect the rights of human rights defenders to form associations, to communicate with the public and international bodies, and to disseminate information on human rights issues. These guarantees are reinforced by Article 12 of the Declaration, which requires States to take all necessary measures to protect human rights defenders against intimidation, harassment, retaliation, and other arbitrary actions arising from their legitimate activities. They are further underpinned by Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the ICCPR and Articles 10 and 11 of the ECHR which protect freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. 27. The prosecution and conviction of TUAD members for activities such as documenting prison conditions, supporting prisoners’ families, issuing public statements, and advocating for prisoners’ rights therefore constitute a clear violation of Türkiye’s obligations under international law. Criminalising such conduct not only interferes with the individual rights of the defenders concerned but also undermines independent oversight of places of detention and weakens safeguards against abuse. These measures are incompatible with the State’s duty to create a safe and enabling environment in which human rights defenders can operate freely, without intimidation, harassment, or fear of criminal sanction. 28. Taken together, the prosecution and convictions of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation to suppress lawful professional and human rights activities. This practice represents a serious breach of Türkiye’s international obligations, erodes the rule of law, and contributes to a climate in which legal defence and human rights work are treated as illegitimate or criminalised, rather than recognised as essential components of a democratic society. ACTIONS REQUESTED 29. In light of the above, we respectfully request that the Special Rapporteurs take the following urgent actions: (a) Call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and sentences imposed on ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members and to ensure their immediate acquittal, including in respect of the lawyers Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan; (b) Seek detailed information from the Government of Türkiye regarding the use of surveillance and intelligence evidence authorised by judicial officials who were later dismissed or convicted, and its compatibility with international fair trial standards, including safeguards relating to legality, necessity, proportionality, and effective judicial scrutiny; (c) Urge the authorities to end all forms of harassment, including judicial harassment, against the individuals concerned and against lawyers and human rights defenders more broadly, and to guarantee that they are able to carry out their professional and lawful activities freely, independently, and without intimidation or improper interference; (d) Raise, as a matter of priority, concerns regarding the criminalisation of legal defence work and prisoners’ rights advocacy, including through joint communications, given the cross-cutting implications for judicial independence, freedom of expression and association, and the protection of human rights defenders; (e) Call on the authorities to immediately cease the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation and related criminal provisions against lawyers and human rights defenders who expose, document, or challenge human rights violations, including those committed by security forces; (f) Urge Türkiye to take concrete measures, in law and in practice, to safeguard judicial independence, prevent undue interference with judges, prosecutors, and lawyers, and ensure compliance with binding judgments of the ECtHR; (g) Remind the Government of Türkiye of its binding international obligations, including under the ICCPR, the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, and relevant Council of Europe standards, and of its duty to ensure that criminal, administrative, or counter-terrorism measures are not used as tools of retaliation against lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in politically sensitive or human rights-related work. 30. We would be grateful to be informed of any action taken on this communication and of any response received from the Turkish authorities, and we kindly request acknowledgment of receipt of this submission. Signatories Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (Conseil des Barreaux Européens, CCBE) European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH) Human Rights Association (İnsan Hakları Derneği, IHD) Human Rights Fundation of Turkey (Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, TİHV) International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders International Observatory of Lawyers at Risk (OIAD) Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC) Rights Initiative Association (Hak İnsiyatifi Derneği) Social Policy, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Association (SPoD) The Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW) Truth Justice Memory Center (Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi) World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

China: Released Tibetan environmental defender Anya Sengdra subjected to ongoing harassment

Esteban Munoz — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 13:45:51 +0000

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership between the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), welcomes the release of Tibetan environmental rights defender Anya Sengdra on 7 February 2026 from Mianyang Prison in Sichuan Province. His release comes five months after the original completion of his seven-year prison sentence, which Chinese authorities had arbitrarily extended. While this long-overdue release brings relief to his family and supporters, Anya Sengdra remains under strict surveillance and continues to face severe restrictions on his fundamental rights. Paris-Geneva, 25 February 2026. Anya Sengdra, Tibetan nomad and prominent community leader from Gade County in the Tibetan region of Golog (Qinghai Province) was originally due for release on 3 September 2025. However, Chinese authorities failed to free him on that date and instead imposed a one-year extension of his sentence reportedly on the grounds of alleged “prison rule violations” for theft, without any official announcement or transparent judicial procedure. This unlawful extension constituted an arbitrary detention in total violation of international human rights, including the fundamental right to liberty and the right to a fair trial. On 6 December 2019, the Gade County Court sentenced Anya Sengdra to seven years’ imprisonment on charges of “provoking troubles, forming a mob to disturb public order, and other malicious acts” under Article 293 of China’s Criminal Law for his peaceful environmental and anti-corruption activities. Through the grassroots initiative “Mangdon Ling” (“Public Affairs Forum”), he campaigned against illegal mining, poaching of endangered species, and the misappropriation of public funds by local officials for relocated Tibetan nomads. In the early stages of his detention, Anya Sengdra was beaten by officers of the Gade County Public Security Bureau and denied access to legal counsel for 48 days. He was also subjected to years of restricted family visits. Deprived of adequate medical care, his health severely deteriorated in prison, leading to vision loss, kidney disease, and high blood pressure. Although he has now returned to his home in Gade County’s Kyangche Township, he remains prohibited from speaking publicly about his case, sharing images or information online, and seeking necessary medical treatment. The Observatory recalls that in August 2023, three United Nations Special Rapporteurs raised Anya Sengdra’s case in a press release, urging the Chinese government to clarify his whereabouts, the legal basis for his detention, and his health condition. They further urged Chinese authorities to provide him with adequate medical care and to allow visits from his family. The Observatory expresses serious concern over the ongoing restrictions on Anya Sengdra’s freedom of expression and access to healthcare, which amount to continued judicial harassment. The Observatory urges the Chinese authorities to immediately lift all restrictions imposed on Anya Sengdra, ensure his fundamental right to liberty, and guarantee prompt and unhindered access to adequate medical care. It further calls on the authorities to put an end to the criminalisation and harassment of Tibetan environmental rights defenders and ensure that they can carry out their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities without fear of reprisals. The Observatory expresses its full and unequivocal support for Tibetan human rights defenders.

Indonesia: Government must quash charges against Delpedro Marhaen and human rights defenders, uphold freedom of expression

Esteban Munoz — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 09:22:01 +0000

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders - a partnership between the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation against Torture (OMCT) - together with the undersigned organisations, strongly urges the Central Jakarta District Court to immediately quash the charges against Indonesian human rights defenders Delpedro Marhaen, Muzaffar Salim, Syahdan Husein, and Khariq Anhar. We also urge the Indonesian Government to cease its criminalisation of activists and human rights defenders. Rather than policing social media and weaponising laws to silence dissent, the government should focus on upholding people’s freedom of expression both online and offline. Paris-Geneva, 6 March 2026. On 27 February 2026, prosecutors demanded a two-year prison sentence for the four human rights defenders. The Court is set to issue its decision on 6 March. “The right to freedom of expression is one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society. Indonesia could not maintain its position as a democratic nation when it weaponises its rule of law system to criminalise human rights defenders and activists for expressing dissent against government policies,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA. What happened Delpedro Marhaen serves as the Executive Director of Lokataru Foundation, an organisation specialising in human rights protection on civic liberties while Muzaffar Salim works as a staff member at Lokataru Foundation. Syahdan Husein and Khariq Anhar are university group activists. In August 2025, Indonesia witnessed a series of mass protests following the state’s announcement of increased allowances for parliament members amidst mass layoffs and budget cuts across education and human rights sectors. The protests were met with excessive force by both police and military, leading to more than ten deaths, 34 short-term enforced disappearances, hundreds of injuries, and at least 6,700 arbitrary arrests against civilians. Following the protests, Delpedro Marhaen, Muzaffar Salim, Syahdan Husein, and Khariq Anhar were arrested and charged with incitement under Article 28 (3) and (45A) of the notorious Electronic Information and Transactions Law, incitement to defy public authorities under Article 246 of the Criminal Code, and sedition charges under Article 160 of the Criminal Code. The charges stemmed from the accusation that they posted inflammatory content on social media, which then allegedly caused civil unrest and violence as well as damage to public facilities and injuries to police officers. The police pointed out the Lokataru Foundation’s social media post, which details complaint centres and a hotline number students can use in case they experience violations, arbitrary arrests, or threats for joining the August protests. The post was meant to inform student protesters on their right to peaceful assembly and for the organisation to document any instances of unjust repression and provide assistance to protestors. The allegations also included their use of hashtags #IndonesiaGelap (Dark Indonesia) and #ReformasiPolri (reform the police) which was alleged to have allowed confrontational narrative to reach a massive audience. Criminalising human rights defenders The cases against Mr Delpedro, Mr Muzaffar, Mr Syahdan, and Mr Khariq are not isolated. Over 6,719 people were arrested, with 703 individuals currently facing judicial proceedings for their involvement in the August 2025 protests, according to the data provided by Gerakan Muda Lawan Kriminalisasi under a civil society-led fact-finding commission initiated by FORUM-ASIA member organisations Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation and the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS). This marked the highest number of arrests and political prosecution against activists since the 1998 reform. At least 70 individuals reportedly received payments to provoke the August 2025 protests by bringing firecrackers, molotov cocktails, and fireworks, the commission found. These individuals were affiliated with an organisation that helped campaign for Prabowo Subianto’s 2024 presidential bid. The commission also noted a great imbalance of law enforcement given the criminalisation of students, youth activists, and human rights defenders rather than those who actually incited civil unrest. This practice effectively creates a chilling effect for citizens and human rights defenders who are merely exercising their fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. Call to action The online posts made by Mr Delpedro, Mr Muzaffar, Mr Syahdan and Mr Khariq highlighted problematic government policies and human rights violations committed by State security actors. Hence the Court must consider how these expressions are protected under the Indonesian Constitution as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Indonesia is a party to. The Court must interpret the law against incitement under the context of the limitation for freedom of expression. This would require the Court to follow the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality. Likewise, this should be proven beyond reasonable doubt. As Indonesia currently holds the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council, it must set the highest standard of protection for human rights defenders.

Mauritanie : arrestations, détentions et poursuites judiciaires arbitraires contre huit défenseur·es des droits humains anti-esclavagistes

Esteban Munoz — Wed, 11 Mar 2026 09:01:08 +0000

L’arrestation et la détention arbitraire de six membres de l’Initiative pour la résurgence du mouvement abolitionniste (IRA), organisation mauritanienne engagée dans la lutte contre l’esclavage, dont une journaliste, ainsi que de deux lanceuses d’alerte, constituent des actes de harcèlement judiciaire en lien direct avec la dénonciation d’un cas d’esclavage d’une mineure à Nouakchott. L’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains, un partenariat entre la Fédération internationale pour les droits humains (FIDH) et l’Organisation mondiale contre la torture (OMCT), condamne ces arrestations et poursuites et appelle à la cessation immédiate de toute forme de répression à l’encontre des défenseur·es des droits humains, en particulier celles et ceux luttant contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie. Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.

Thailand: Conviction and prison sentences of four prominent pro-democracy activists on lèse-majesté charges

Esteban Munoz — Fri, 20 Feb 2026 17:09:51 +0000

New information:

The Observatory has been informed about the conviction of prominent pro-democracy activists Mr Anon Nampa, Ms Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Mr Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Mr. Promsorn Veerathamjaree on charges of lèse-majesté in connection with their participation in a peaceful pro-democracy demonstration on 29 November 2020.

On 20 February 2026, the Bangkok Criminal Court convicted Anon Nampa, Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree for speeches delivered during a peaceful assembly entitled “Disarm Thai Feudalism,” which was held on 29 November 2020 in front of the 11th Infantry Regiment King’s Guard in Bangkok. All four were found guilty under Article 112 of the Criminal Code (“lèse-majesté”), and sentenced to four years in prison each. Their sentences were reduced to two years and eight months in prison, because the Court found the defendants’ testimonies useful. Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree were subsequently granted temporary release on bail, set at 200,000 baht (about 5,490 Euros) for Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk and 150,000 Thai baht (about 4,118 Euros) for Pimsiri Petchnamrob and Promsorn Veerathamjaree, pending appeal. Anon Nampa, who did not file a bail request, remains detained at the Bangkok Remand Prison.

The four pro-democracy activists were also convicted under the 2020 Emergency Decree and for using a sound amplifier without permission and were fined a total of 10,200 Thai baht (about 280 Euros) each.

During the above-mentioned peaceful demonstration, Anon Nampa and Pimsiri Petchnamrob advocated for reforms of the monarchy and amendments to Thailand’s 2017 Constitution. In his speech, Anon Nampa criticised, inter alia, the transfer of military units to the King’s personal command and the transfer of public property to private ownership. In her speech, Pimsiri Petchnamrob addressed the relationship between the military and the monarchy and the history of military coups in Thailand, and cited a statement by the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, which argued for the incompatibility of Article 112 of the Criminal Code with democratic principles.

The four pro-democracy activists denied all charges against them. Ms Pimsiri maintained that she did not make personal remarks about members of the Thai royal family and only quoted the UN Special Rapporteur’s critique of Thailand’s ‘‘lèse-majesté’’ legislation. Mr Anon maintained that his speech and remarks constituted legitimate criticism and were protected by his right to freedom of expression.

The Observatory recalls that Mr Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk was arbitrarily detained for seven years, from April 2011 to April 2018, as a result of his arrest and subsequent conviction to 10 years in prison on lèse-majesté charges.

The Observatory also notes that Mr Promsorn Veerathamjaree has already been convicted on three prior lèse-majesté cases. He was sentenced to prison terms in connection with his participation in pro-democracy protests in 2021. In each of those cases, he was released on bail pending appeal.

The Observatory further recalls that the additional two years and eight months of imprisonment imposed on Anon Nampa under Article 112 bring his total prison term to 31 years, nine months, and 20 days. Mr Anon has been arbitrarily incarcerated at the Bangkok Remand Prison since his first lèse-majesté conviction on 26 September 2023. All convictions are currently under appeal, while numerous bail applications have been consistently denied. Between September 2023 and February 2026, he submitted 93 bail applications and 43 appeals against bail denial orders, all of which were rejected. The Observatory notes that Mr. Anon’s latest conviction and prison sentence followed 10 previous convictions related to his public statements and his advocacy for human rights and democratic reforms in Thailand.

The Observatory points out that on 9 July 2025, Mr Anon Nampa was sentenced for the 10th time to two years in prison under Article 112 and four months under Article 116 of the Criminal Code (sedition) in connection with a speech he delivered at a protest in front of Parliament in Bangkok on 17 November 2020.

According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, between 19 November 2020 and 20 February 2026, at least 291 people, including numerous human rights defenders and 20 minors, were charged under Article 112 of the Criminal Code. Sixteen were reportedly detained pending trial or appeal, and 18 others were serving prison sentences. The systematic abuse of Articles 112 and 116 against peaceful critics and protesters reflects a broader pattern of judicial harassment and a shrinking civic space in Thailand.

The Observatory recalls that Thailand is a State party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Articles 9 and 14 of the ICCPR guarantee the rights to liberty and to a fair trial, while Articles 19, 21, and 22 protect the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. Any restriction must be strictly necessary and proportionate. The imposition of lengthy prison sentences for peaceful criticism of public institutions is incompatible with these obligations.

The Observatory considers that the conviction and continued arbitrary detention of Anon Nampa and the conviction of Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree, appear to be solely aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities and the peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, in violation of international human rights law.

The Observatory calls on the Thai authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Anon Nampa, and to ensure that Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjareeis are not subjected to arbitrary detention, as well as to release all other arbitrarily detained human rights defenders in the country, and to put an end to all forms of judicial harassment against them.

Iran: Additional prison sentences against Narges Mohammadi

Esteban Munoz — Wed, 18 Feb 2026 16:29:42 +0000

The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), and The Free Narges Coalition condemn the additional prison sentences handed down to human rights defender, writer, and journalist Narges Mohammadi this week, and urges the international community to take concrete steps to protect the safety and psychological well-being of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate to prevent the aggravated threats to her life and health under detention in Iran. 17 February 2026. The Free Narges Coalition Steering Committee stated: “The situation of Iran’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate under detention is not an isolated example, but an indicator of the vulnerability and risks faced by those detained for their defense of human rights or expression. The information we have received from verified sources about the condition of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners is deeply worrying. Following the nationwide demonstrations and ensuing massacre of protesters, the government is doubling down on dangerously harsh treatment of its growing number of political prisoners. Human rights defenders, journalists, writers, and artists are at the forefront of the fight for a free and democratic Iran. Narges Mohammadi and all prisoners of conscience must be freed immediately; they must have access to their chosen lawyer, regular contact with family, and medical care.” On 7 February 2026, Mohammadi’s lawyer announced that the Nobel laureate was transferred to Branch 1 of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court despite her objections. In protest against the unjust judicial process, she refused to provide a defense and was immediately handed down two harsh sentences. According to these new rulings, the human rights defender was sentenced to six years prison for “assembly and collusion against national security” and 18 months on the charge of “propaganda against the state.” Additionally, the judge issued supplementary punishments, including two years of internal exile to the city of Khosf, South Khorasan province in Iran and a two-year additional travel ban. Mohammadi, currently serving multiple prison sentences in a high security detention center in Mashhad, is facing more than 17 years of imprisonment since 2021. On 12 December 2025, Narges Mohammadi was arrested with a level of brutality unprecedented in her long history of judicial harassment. While attending the funeral of the late Iranian human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi in Mashhad, Mohammadi spoke to those gathered, offering a message of peace, unity, and national solidarity. It was during this peaceful assembly that plainclothes agents arrested her and others in an extremely violent manner. According to verified information, security forces encircled Mohammadi and other women defenders present and beat them repeatedly with wooden sticks and batons over their heads and between their legs, bruising her genital area and possibly fracturing her pelvic bone. During this assault, the agents threatened Mohammadi that “We will make your mother sit in mourning for you,” and that “Today is the last day of your life.” She was told that because they believed that she had “driven a dagger into the heart of the Islamic Republic,” they would “put a dagger back into her heart.” She was dragged across the ground by her hair with such force that sections of her scalp were torn away, leaving visible bald patches and open wounds. Inside the transport vehicle, agents broke another woman’s nose while forcing her to surrender her phone. Suffering from nausea, intense chest pain, and unusually high blood pressure, Mohammadi has reported feeling numb and being unable to breathe. When in solitary confinement, she has been overheard asking for help while shouting “I’m dying,” raising the possibility that she thought she was suffering a heart attack. Furthermore, she reported to not be able to sit down for several days due to the pelvic injury. Officials took detailed photographs of her extensive injuries, focusing specifically on the raw wounds on her scalp. During the first week of her arbitrary detention, Narges Mohammadi was transferred twice to hospital under heavy security measures. A physician confirmed that Mohammadi, who has a heart stent from a previous surgery, required urgent specialized cardiac care after serious medical negligence underdetention. In the first week of February, suffering from severe nausea, she was transferred again for a head scan, likely to Razavi Hospital in Mashhad, where doctors also provided an ointment for her scalp and gave her several unexplained injections. She was then returned to solitary confinement for weeks, kept in a windowless cell with constant artificial lighting that made it impossible to distinguish day from night, forced to sleep on a thin rug over ceramic tiles and not appropriately fed. Narges Mohammadi’s life remains in immediate danger. Despite her critical state, she is subjected to lengthy interrogation sessions to force a confession and a condemnation of the protests, which began on 28 December and continued for several weeks in January, leading to the killing of thousands of protesters. She has refused to comply, despite direct threats that she “won’t live to see the sun.” On the evening of 2 February, guards raided her cell and assaulted all detainees with electric shock devices. Prior to her arrest, Mohammadi was undergoing diagnostic testing for breast tumors; interrupting this, combined with cardiac distress and physical trauma, presents a high risk. Over two months into her unjust arrest, Mohammadi has been allowed only two short phone calls, both of which were abruptly cut short as she tried to recount her detention situation and current health condition. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate began a hunger strike on Monday, 2 February, to protest her continued unlawful detention, her dire detention conditions, and the denial of contact with her family or lawyers—realities faced by numerous prisoners currently held in Iran. Mohammadi ended her hunger strike six days later, amidst alarming reports about her health. Narges Mohammadi is a human rights defender, journalist, author, and the deputy director and spokesperson of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC) in Iran. Having spent more than 10 years of her life behind bars, her current period of detention began in December 2025. Throughout her life, she has been sentenced to a total of 44 years in prison, which includes previous sentences totaling 13 years and nine months for charges such as committing “propaganda activity against the state” and “collusion against state security.” She is the recipient of numerous international awards for her tireless struggle for human rights, including the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, the 2023 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize, the 2023 PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award, and the 2022 Reporters Without Borders Prize for Courage. This statement is issued by the Free Narges Coalition steering committee and does not necessarily reflect the position of all Coalition members. The steering committee is led by the Narges Foundation, PEN America, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Front Line Defenders. Join us in calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners in Iran.