https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/ Mon, 04 May 2026 11:09:49 +0000 fr-FR hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/ 32 32 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/net-rights-coalition-132-other-digital-rights-stakeholders-endorse-statement-condemning-the-government-of-zambias-abrupt-disruption-of-rightscon/ Thu, 30 Apr 2026 11:04:07 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24674 Thursday, April 30, 2026: We, the Net Rights Coalition (NRC), a network of digital rights actors, and all other signatories listed below, are appalled by the Government of Zambia’s unilateral announcement of the postponement of RightsCon on 29 April 2026, a move that has resulted in the cancellation of the global event with over 5000 participants that was going to be hosted in Sub-Saharan Africa for the first time. Access Now, partners, and thousands of stakeholders have incurred huge financial and logistical losses as plans were underway for the event to start in 3 days. Zambia will also record significant economic losses that would have come from thousands of visitors to a nation that prides itself as a tourist destination, anchored on the popular Zambia KuChalo (Zambia to the World) slogan. This will have a huge impact on Zambian small businesses that were engaged to provide services that will now be cancelled. The need for international consensus-building remains critical, and the government of Zambia missed an opportunity to demonstrate a strong commitment to preserving the multistakeholder model, a key feature of global digital governance, across its country's digital rights engagements. Rather, the government cited the need for comprehensive disclosures to align with “national values, policy priorities, and broader public-interest considerations”, but did not disclose them to the public to ease understanding of such a drastic action. The position comes after the Ministry of Technology and Science, on 3 March 2026, officially announced that they were the primary Government partner for RightsCon 2026, with the event meant to be held in Lusaka, Zambia and online from 5 to 8 May 2026. This government statement assured the global community that the event would proceed with the host government's appropriate support. The backtracking, at the last minute, on this commitment raises questions about trust and commitment to civil society engagement and international agreements, to which Zambia has in the past demonstrated a strong pledge. This action, when travel itineraries are set, accommodation is booked, and venue costs are incurred, constitutes a setback to global human and digital rights processes and derails the participation of diverse stakeholders, including civil society, government, investors, and the private sector engaged in these conversations. The suspended event agenda presents areas of discourse on key digital economy topics, promotes digital rights and embeds multistakeholderism, as outlined in the Global Digital Compact (GDC), adopted in 2024, to which Zambia contributed as Co-Chair, having been appointed on 10 October 2023 by the President of the General Assembly, together with Sweden, to lead the intergovernmental process on the Global Digital Compact. RightsCon in Lusaka would have been an incredible opportunity for local and global exchange, and to create new initiatives to realise human rights in the digital age. A clear channel of resolving any outstanding issues with the event convenor to save the multistakeholder approach would have been a fair course of action, aligned with international human rights standards to which Zambia subscribes as a State party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. We condemn the government's actions that led to the cancellation of RightsCon in Zambia. This raises concerns about closing civic space and fostering a culture of self-censorship ahead of the August 2026 elections, and is a major setback for Zambia’s digital rights trajectory regionally and globally, signalling a departure from the gains it has secured in leading global processes.]]> Thursday, April 30, 2026: We, the Net Rights Coalition (NRC), a network of digital rights actors, and all other signatories listed below, are appalled by the Government of Zambia’s unilateral announcement of the postponement of RightsCon on 29 April 2026, a move that has resulted in the cancellation of the global event with over 5000 participants that was going to be hosted in Sub-Saharan Africa for the first time. Access Now, partners, and thousands of stakeholders have incurred huge financial and logistical losses as plans were underway for the event to start in 3 days. Zambia will also record significant economic losses that would have come from thousands of visitors to a nation that prides itself as a tourist destination, anchored on the popular Zambia KuChalo (Zambia to the World) slogan. This will have a huge impact on Zambian small businesses that were engaged to provide services that will now be cancelled. The need for international consensus-building remains critical, and the government of Zambia missed an opportunity to demonstrate a strong commitment to preserving the multistakeholder model, a key feature of global digital governance, across its country's digital rights engagements. Rather, the government cited the need for comprehensive disclosures to align with “national values, policy priorities, and broader public-interest considerations”, but did not disclose them to the public to ease understanding of such a drastic action. The position comes after the Ministry of Technology and Science, on 3 March 2026, officially announced that they were the primary Government partner for RightsCon 2026, with the event meant to be held in Lusaka, Zambia and online from 5 to 8 May 2026. This government statement assured the global community that the event would proceed with the host government's appropriate support. The backtracking, at the last minute, on this commitment raises questions about trust and commitment to civil society engagement and international agreements, to which Zambia has in the past demonstrated a strong pledge. This action, when travel itineraries are set, accommodation is booked, and venue costs are incurred, constitutes a setback to global human and digital rights processes and derails the participation of diverse stakeholders, including civil society, government, investors, and the private sector engaged in these conversations. The suspended event agenda presents areas of discourse on key digital economy topics, promotes digital rights and embeds multistakeholderism, as outlined in the Global Digital Compact (GDC), adopted in 2024, to which Zambia contributed as Co-Chair, having been appointed on 10 October 2023 by the President of the General Assembly, together with Sweden, to lead the intergovernmental process on the Global Digital Compact. RightsCon in Lusaka would have been an incredible opportunity for local and global exchange, and to create new initiatives to realise human rights in the digital age. A clear channel of resolving any outstanding issues with the event convenor to save the multistakeholder approach would have been a fair course of action, aligned with international human rights standards to which Zambia subscribes as a State party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. We condemn the government's actions that led to the cancellation of RightsCon in Zambia. This raises concerns about closing civic space and fostering a culture of self-censorship ahead of the August 2026 elections, and is a major setback for Zambia’s digital rights trajectory regionally and globally, signalling a departure from the gains it has secured in leading global processes.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/tunisie-suspension-des-activites-de-la-ligue-tunisienne-pour-la-defense-des-droits-de-lhomme/ Mon, 27 Apr 2026 10:59:55 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24673 Ligue Tunisienne pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (LTDH). La LTDH, organisation membre de l'OMCT et de la FIDH, est l'une des plus anciennes organisations arabe et africaine de défense des droits humains. En 2015, elle s'est vu décerner, conjointement avec d'autres organisations, le prix Nobel de la paix « pour sa contribution décisive à l'édification d'une démocratie pluraliste en Tunisie au lendemain de la révolution de 2011 ». Le soir du vendredi 24 avril 2026, le bureau directeur de la LTDH a reçu une ordonnance de suspension des activités de l'organisation pour une durée d'un mois. L’ordonnance a été rendue par le Président du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, sur requête présentée par le Secrétaire Général du gouvernement en vertu du décret-loi n° 2011-88 du 24 septembre 2011, relatif aux associations. Les autorités justifient cette mesure radicale par le fait que la LTDH aurait dépassé la date limite fixée pour la tenue de son assemblée générale ordinaire. Cette décision fait suite à de nombreux incidents au cours desquels, sans aucune justification officielle, la LTDH s'était déjà vu refuser l'accès aux lieux de détention ces derniers mois, prérogative dont elle dispose en vertu d'un protocole d’accord signé avec le ministère de la Justice le 10 juillet 2015 afin d'assurer un suivi indépendant des conditions de détention en Tunisie. L’Observatoire rappelle que la suspension des activités de la LTDH s'inscrit dans un contexte plus large de recul démocratique, d’attaque grave contre l’indépendance de la justice, de suppression de la dissidence et de répression de la société civile en Tunisie, sous la présidence de Kaïs Saïed. Le décret-loi n° 2011-88, adopté après la révolution de 2011 pour protéger la liberté, l’autonomie et la transparence des associations, est aujourd’hui détourné de son objectif initial et utilisé par les autorités tunisiennes pour faire taire les organisations de la société civile jugées dérangeantes, sous prétexte de « manquements administratifs » ou de « financements étrangers ». Dans ce contexte, le 4 février 2026, une lettre d‘allégation avait été adressée par un groupe de rapporteur·ses spéciaux·ales des Nations unies pour interpeller les autorités tunisiennes sur « les restrictions affectant les organisations de la société civile, les défenseurs des droits humains, les organisations de défense des droits des femmes, les syndicats et les organisations fournissant une assistance humanitaire, ainsi que les limitations connexes à l'exercice des libertés fondamentales en Tunisie entre fin 2024 et novembre 2025. La LTDH, dans un communiqué publié le 24 avril 2026, a dénoncé la suspension de ses activités comme « une mesure arbitraire et grave, constituant une violation flagrante de la liberté d’association et du travail associatif », en soulignant qu'elle « ne saurait être considérée comme isolée du contexte général que traverse le pays ». Le lendemain, dans un message publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le Bureau du Haut Commissariat aux Droits de l'Homme en Tunisie a également exprimé sa vive inquiétude sur la décision de suspension et a exhorté les autorités à mettre fin immédiatement à toutes les suspensions visant les associations. L’Observatoire estime que la suspension des activités de la LTDH constitue une grave atteinte aux libertés d’expression et d’association qui ne vise qu’à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains en Tunisie, l’énième dans le cadre d’une stratégie répressive prolongée. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la suspension de la LTDH et demande aux autorités tunisiennes de mettre fin à toute forme de répression à l’encontre de l’organisation, ainsi qu’à l’encontre des autres organisations et défenseur·es des droits humains qui opèrent dans le pays. L’Observatoire rappelle que la Tunisie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits.]]> Ligue Tunisienne pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (LTDH). La LTDH, organisation membre de l'OMCT et de la FIDH, est l'une des plus anciennes organisations arabe et africaine de défense des droits humains. En 2015, elle s'est vu décerner, conjointement avec d'autres organisations, le prix Nobel de la paix « pour sa contribution décisive à l'édification d'une démocratie pluraliste en Tunisie au lendemain de la révolution de 2011 ». Le soir du vendredi 24 avril 2026, le bureau directeur de la LTDH a reçu une ordonnance de suspension des activités de l'organisation pour une durée d'un mois. L’ordonnance a été rendue par le Président du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, sur requête présentée par le Secrétaire Général du gouvernement en vertu du décret-loi n° 2011-88 du 24 septembre 2011, relatif aux associations. Les autorités justifient cette mesure radicale par le fait que la LTDH aurait dépassé la date limite fixée pour la tenue de son assemblée générale ordinaire. Cette décision fait suite à de nombreux incidents au cours desquels, sans aucune justification officielle, la LTDH s'était déjà vu refuser l'accès aux lieux de détention ces derniers mois, prérogative dont elle dispose en vertu d'un protocole d’accord signé avec le ministère de la Justice le 10 juillet 2015 afin d'assurer un suivi indépendant des conditions de détention en Tunisie. L’Observatoire rappelle que la suspension des activités de la LTDH s'inscrit dans un contexte plus large de recul démocratique, d’attaque grave contre l’indépendance de la justice, de suppression de la dissidence et de répression de la société civile en Tunisie, sous la présidence de Kaïs Saïed. Le décret-loi n° 2011-88, adopté après la révolution de 2011 pour protéger la liberté, l’autonomie et la transparence des associations, est aujourd’hui détourné de son objectif initial et utilisé par les autorités tunisiennes pour faire taire les organisations de la société civile jugées dérangeantes, sous prétexte de « manquements administratifs » ou de « financements étrangers ». Dans ce contexte, le 4 février 2026, une lettre d‘allégation avait été adressée par un groupe de rapporteur·ses spéciaux·ales des Nations unies pour interpeller les autorités tunisiennes sur « les restrictions affectant les organisations de la société civile, les défenseurs des droits humains, les organisations de défense des droits des femmes, les syndicats et les organisations fournissant une assistance humanitaire, ainsi que les limitations connexes à l'exercice des libertés fondamentales en Tunisie entre fin 2024 et novembre 2025. La LTDH, dans un communiqué publié le 24 avril 2026, a dénoncé la suspension de ses activités comme « une mesure arbitraire et grave, constituant une violation flagrante de la liberté d’association et du travail associatif », en soulignant qu'elle « ne saurait être considérée comme isolée du contexte général que traverse le pays ». Le lendemain, dans un message publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le Bureau du Haut Commissariat aux Droits de l'Homme en Tunisie a également exprimé sa vive inquiétude sur la décision de suspension et a exhorté les autorités à mettre fin immédiatement à toutes les suspensions visant les associations. L’Observatoire estime que la suspension des activités de la LTDH constitue une grave atteinte aux libertés d’expression et d’association qui ne vise qu’à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains en Tunisie, l’énième dans le cadre d’une stratégie répressive prolongée. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la suspension de la LTDH et demande aux autorités tunisiennes de mettre fin à toute forme de répression à l’encontre de l’organisation, ainsi qu’à l’encontre des autres organisations et défenseur·es des droits humains qui opèrent dans le pays. L’Observatoire rappelle que la Tunisie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/burkina-faso-repression-de-la-societe-civile/ Wed, 22 Apr 2026 10:28:15 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24655 Paris-Genève - 22 Avril 2026. Le gouvernement militaire du Burkina Faso intensifie sa répression généralisée de la société civile à travers une législation restrictive, des pressions administratives et des mesures punitives ciblant les organisations nationales et internationales, ont déclaré aujourd’hui Human Rights Watch, l’Observatoire pour la protection des droits humains, et l’Observatoire KISAL. Les autorités militaires doivent immédiatement cesser leur répression des voix indépendantes ainsi que des organisations humanitaires et de défense des droits humains, et respecter les droits et libertés fondamentaux. Le 15 avril 2026, le ministre de l’administration territoriale et de la mobilité a annoncé la dissolution de 118 organisations de la société civile, dont beaucoup étaient engagées dans la défense des droits humains. Les autorités ont invoqué une loi de juillet 2025 sur la liberté d’association, mais n’ont fourni aucune justification au-delà de vagues allusions au non-respect de ladite loi. « La dissolution massive des organisations de la société civile n’est que le dernier acte de la junte du Burkina Faso pour faire taire la dissidence et éviter toute analyse de son bilan peu reluisant en matière de droits humains », a déclaré Binta Sidibé Gascon, Présidente de l’Observatoire Kisal. « Cette décision renforce un climat de peur qui paralyse l’activité civique indépendante. » L’action du gouvernement militaire reflète un schéma plus large de répression qui a commencé après que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir en septembre 2022. Depuis le coup d’État, les autorités ont ciblé les organisations non gouvernementales, les médias indépendants, les défenseur·es des droits humains et toute forme de dissidence pacifique, réduisant progressivement l’espace civique. Elles ont suspendu, interdit ou expulsé des dizaines d’organisations et de médias burkinabè et internationaux pour des motifs administratifs vagues et fallacieux ou en représailles à des critiques. Les autorités ont également détenu des travailleur·ses humanitaires et arrêté arbitrairement, fait disparaître de force ou enrôlé illégalement des défenseur·es des droits humains, des journalistes et des opposant·es politiques. Cette répression croissante se déroule dans un contexte de crise sécuritaire aggravée, le Burkina Faso combattant depuis une décennie des groupes armés islamistes liés à Al-Qaïda et à l’État islamique. Alors que certains des groupes ciblés par la mesure de dissolution étaient inactifs, d’autres—y compris Action des Chrétiens contre la Torture (ACAT) et Coalition Burkinabè pour les droits des femmes (CBDF)—étaient opérationnels et semblaient répondre aux exigences légales en vertu de la loi de juillet 2025. La loi accorde aux organisations un an pour se conformer à ces exigences, un délai qui n’est pas encore expiré. « L’action du gouvernement militaire, si elle est fondée sur un prétendu non-respect de la loi de 2025, semble juridiquement contestable puisque le délai requis n’est pas encore écoulé », a déclaré Ilaria Allegrozzi, chercheuse senior au sein de Human Rights Watch. « L’ampleur de la dissolution est l’un des coups les plus importants portés aux groupes de la société civile depuis que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir et envoie un message glaçant à tous les autres. » La loi de juillet 2025, introduite par les autorités comme une mesure pour réglementer le secteur des organisations à but non lucratif et lutter contre le blanchiment d’argent et le financement du terrorisme, a considérablement étendu le contrôle gouvernemental sur la société civile. Elle impose des obligations lourdes qui entravent le travail humanitaire et de développement. Les organisations étrangères, par exemple, doivent nommer des ressortissant·es burkinabè à des postes clés de direction et financiers, les exposant à des risques personnels. Cette inquiétude a été renforcée par une disposition du Code de la famille de septembre 2025 permettant aux autorités de retirer la nationalité burkinabè à toute personne jugée agir contre les intérêts de l’État et créant un risque d’apatridie pour les individus ciblé·es. Début avril, le gouvernement militaire, en réponse à un rapport de Human Rights Watch sur les crimes de guerre et les crimes contre l’humanité commis par toutes les parties au conflit au Burkina Faso depuis 2023, avait menacé de prendre des « mesures fermes » contre ce qu’il appelait des « officines impérialistes déguisés en ONG ». En fin 2025, les autorités ont introduit des barrières administratives supplémentaires. Les organisations doivent désormais obtenir un « visa statistique » avant de mener des enquêtes ou des recherches, un processus coûteux et chronophage qui, selon un travailleur humanitaire interrogé par Human Rights Watch, « entrave la collecte et l’analyse indépendantes des données dans un contexte déjà extrêmement fermé. » Au cours de l’année passée, plusieurs organisations humanitaires internationales ont été suspendues ou expulsées, souvent pour des raisons procédurales peu claires. Entre juin et juillet 2025, les autorités ont suspendu ou révoqué les licences d’environ 20 organisations étrangères, dont Comunità di Sant’Egidio, Diakonia, Geneva Call et le Tony Blair Institute, invoquant le « non-respect de l’obligation de signature de la convention d’établissement. » La répression du gouvernement militaire s’est également étendue aux individus membres de la société civile nationale et des organisations internationales. Depuis 2022, les autorités ont détenu plus de 70 travailleurs humanitaires, pour la plupart burkinabè, selon les médias internationaux. Dans un cas emblématique, les autorités militaires ont expulsé en août 2025 la principale représentante des Nations unies au Burkina Faso, Carol Flore-Smereczniak, en la déclarant persona non grata à la suite d’un rapport de l’ONU sur les violations à l’encontre des enfants dans le pays. Dans un autre cas, au milieu de l’année 2025, les forces de sécurité ont arrêté et détenu arbitrairement huit membres du personnel de l’International Group Safety Organization (INSO), une organisation humanitaire basée aux Pays-Bas spécialisée dans la sécurité humanitaire, avant de les libérer finalement en décembre 2025. Les autorités les ont accusés d’espionnage et de trahison, leur reprochant de collecter et de fournir des informations sensibles sur la sécurité à des puissances étrangères. Les autorités militaires ont utilisé les dispositions d’un décret de « mobilisation générale » d’avril 2023 — une loi d’urgence — de manière sélective et disproportionnée pour réprimer l’opposition politique, les médias et la dissidence, et pour faire taire et enrôler illégalement dans les forces armées des dizaines de voix critiques, journalistes, militant·es de la société civile et personnels judiciaires. Les autorités affirment que la conscription est autorisée par le décret, qui confère au président de vastes pouvoirs pour lutter contre l’insurrection islamiste, y compris en réquisitionnant des personnes et des biens et en limitant les libertés civiles. Entre juillet et octobre 2025, au moins six journalistes et trois militants ayant été précédemment enrôlés de force ont été libérés, tandis que d’autres conscrit·es sont toujours portés disparus, y compris l’éminent journaliste d’investigation Serge Oulon, et il est à craindre que d’autres aient été enrôlés illégalement. Le droit international en matière des droits humains protège les droits aux libertés d’expression et d’association, permettant aux individus et aux groupes d’agir sans ingérence. Les restrictions apportées à ces droits doivent être nécessaires, proportionnées et non discriminatoires – des critères que la récente dissolution massive des organisations de la société civile et la loi de juillet 2025 ne respectent pas, ont déclaré les quatre organisations. « Une société civile forte et indépendante agit comme un garde-fou contre les abus de pouvoir et amplifie les voix des communautés marginalisées », a déclaré Drissa Traoré, Secrétaire général de la FIDH. « Les autorités burkinabè devraient permettre aux organisations de la société civile de travailler librement et garantir les droits et libertés fondamentaux de chacun·e au Burkina Faso. »]]> Paris-Genève - 22 Avril 2026. Le gouvernement militaire du Burkina Faso intensifie sa répression généralisée de la société civile à travers une législation restrictive, des pressions administratives et des mesures punitives ciblant les organisations nationales et internationales, ont déclaré aujourd’hui Human Rights Watch, l’Observatoire pour la protection des droits humains, et l’Observatoire KISAL. Les autorités militaires doivent immédiatement cesser leur répression des voix indépendantes ainsi que des organisations humanitaires et de défense des droits humains, et respecter les droits et libertés fondamentaux. Le 15 avril 2026, le ministre de l’administration territoriale et de la mobilité a annoncé la dissolution de 118 organisations de la société civile, dont beaucoup étaient engagées dans la défense des droits humains. Les autorités ont invoqué une loi de juillet 2025 sur la liberté d’association, mais n’ont fourni aucune justification au-delà de vagues allusions au non-respect de ladite loi. « La dissolution massive des organisations de la société civile n’est que le dernier acte de la junte du Burkina Faso pour faire taire la dissidence et éviter toute analyse de son bilan peu reluisant en matière de droits humains », a déclaré Binta Sidibé Gascon, Présidente de l’Observatoire Kisal. « Cette décision renforce un climat de peur qui paralyse l’activité civique indépendante. » L’action du gouvernement militaire reflète un schéma plus large de répression qui a commencé après que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir en septembre 2022. Depuis le coup d’État, les autorités ont ciblé les organisations non gouvernementales, les médias indépendants, les défenseur·es des droits humains et toute forme de dissidence pacifique, réduisant progressivement l’espace civique. Elles ont suspendu, interdit ou expulsé des dizaines d’organisations et de médias burkinabè et internationaux pour des motifs administratifs vagues et fallacieux ou en représailles à des critiques. Les autorités ont également détenu des travailleur·ses humanitaires et arrêté arbitrairement, fait disparaître de force ou enrôlé illégalement des défenseur·es des droits humains, des journalistes et des opposant·es politiques. Cette répression croissante se déroule dans un contexte de crise sécuritaire aggravée, le Burkina Faso combattant depuis une décennie des groupes armés islamistes liés à Al-Qaïda et à l’État islamique. Alors que certains des groupes ciblés par la mesure de dissolution étaient inactifs, d’autres—y compris Action des Chrétiens contre la Torture (ACAT) et Coalition Burkinabè pour les droits des femmes (CBDF)—étaient opérationnels et semblaient répondre aux exigences légales en vertu de la loi de juillet 2025. La loi accorde aux organisations un an pour se conformer à ces exigences, un délai qui n’est pas encore expiré. « L’action du gouvernement militaire, si elle est fondée sur un prétendu non-respect de la loi de 2025, semble juridiquement contestable puisque le délai requis n’est pas encore écoulé », a déclaré Ilaria Allegrozzi, chercheuse senior au sein de Human Rights Watch. « L’ampleur de la dissolution est l’un des coups les plus importants portés aux groupes de la société civile depuis que les militaires ont pris le pouvoir et envoie un message glaçant à tous les autres. » La loi de juillet 2025, introduite par les autorités comme une mesure pour réglementer le secteur des organisations à but non lucratif et lutter contre le blanchiment d’argent et le financement du terrorisme, a considérablement étendu le contrôle gouvernemental sur la société civile. Elle impose des obligations lourdes qui entravent le travail humanitaire et de développement. Les organisations étrangères, par exemple, doivent nommer des ressortissant·es burkinabè à des postes clés de direction et financiers, les exposant à des risques personnels. Cette inquiétude a été renforcée par une disposition du Code de la famille de septembre 2025 permettant aux autorités de retirer la nationalité burkinabè à toute personne jugée agir contre les intérêts de l’État et créant un risque d’apatridie pour les individus ciblé·es. Début avril, le gouvernement militaire, en réponse à un rapport de Human Rights Watch sur les crimes de guerre et les crimes contre l’humanité commis par toutes les parties au conflit au Burkina Faso depuis 2023, avait menacé de prendre des « mesures fermes » contre ce qu’il appelait des « officines impérialistes déguisés en ONG ». En fin 2025, les autorités ont introduit des barrières administratives supplémentaires. Les organisations doivent désormais obtenir un « visa statistique » avant de mener des enquêtes ou des recherches, un processus coûteux et chronophage qui, selon un travailleur humanitaire interrogé par Human Rights Watch, « entrave la collecte et l’analyse indépendantes des données dans un contexte déjà extrêmement fermé. » Au cours de l’année passée, plusieurs organisations humanitaires internationales ont été suspendues ou expulsées, souvent pour des raisons procédurales peu claires. Entre juin et juillet 2025, les autorités ont suspendu ou révoqué les licences d’environ 20 organisations étrangères, dont Comunità di Sant’Egidio, Diakonia, Geneva Call et le Tony Blair Institute, invoquant le « non-respect de l’obligation de signature de la convention d’établissement. » La répression du gouvernement militaire s’est également étendue aux individus membres de la société civile nationale et des organisations internationales. Depuis 2022, les autorités ont détenu plus de 70 travailleurs humanitaires, pour la plupart burkinabè, selon les médias internationaux. Dans un cas emblématique, les autorités militaires ont expulsé en août 2025 la principale représentante des Nations unies au Burkina Faso, Carol Flore-Smereczniak, en la déclarant persona non grata à la suite d’un rapport de l’ONU sur les violations à l’encontre des enfants dans le pays. Dans un autre cas, au milieu de l’année 2025, les forces de sécurité ont arrêté et détenu arbitrairement huit membres du personnel de l’International Group Safety Organization (INSO), une organisation humanitaire basée aux Pays-Bas spécialisée dans la sécurité humanitaire, avant de les libérer finalement en décembre 2025. Les autorités les ont accusés d’espionnage et de trahison, leur reprochant de collecter et de fournir des informations sensibles sur la sécurité à des puissances étrangères. Les autorités militaires ont utilisé les dispositions d’un décret de « mobilisation générale » d’avril 2023 — une loi d’urgence — de manière sélective et disproportionnée pour réprimer l’opposition politique, les médias et la dissidence, et pour faire taire et enrôler illégalement dans les forces armées des dizaines de voix critiques, journalistes, militant·es de la société civile et personnels judiciaires. Les autorités affirment que la conscription est autorisée par le décret, qui confère au président de vastes pouvoirs pour lutter contre l’insurrection islamiste, y compris en réquisitionnant des personnes et des biens et en limitant les libertés civiles. Entre juillet et octobre 2025, au moins six journalistes et trois militants ayant été précédemment enrôlés de force ont été libérés, tandis que d’autres conscrit·es sont toujours portés disparus, y compris l’éminent journaliste d’investigation Serge Oulon, et il est à craindre que d’autres aient été enrôlés illégalement. Le droit international en matière des droits humains protège les droits aux libertés d’expression et d’association, permettant aux individus et aux groupes d’agir sans ingérence. Les restrictions apportées à ces droits doivent être nécessaires, proportionnées et non discriminatoires – des critères que la récente dissolution massive des organisations de la société civile et la loi de juillet 2025 ne respectent pas, ont déclaré les quatre organisations. « Une société civile forte et indépendante agit comme un garde-fou contre les abus de pouvoir et amplifie les voix des communautés marginalisées », a déclaré Drissa Traoré, Secrétaire général de la FIDH. « Les autorités burkinabè devraient permettre aux organisations de la société civile de travailler librement et garantir les droits et libertés fondamentaux de chacun·e au Burkina Faso. »]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/turkey-alarming-escalation-in-repression-of-lgbti-activists-and-organisations-in-turkiye/ Tue, 07 Apr 2026 13:00:57 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24626 The undersigned European and national human rights organisations express deep concern at the December court ruling in Türkiye shutting down LGBTI+ youth organisation, Genç LGBTİ+, the lawsuit initiated against its board members, and the February lawsuit filed against LGBTI+ human rights defender Defne Güzel, noting that these cases represent very worrying examples of the repression facing LGBTI+ rights advocacy, amid renewed discussion of the retabling of draconian anti-LGBTI+ legislative proposals. We call for action ahead of the first hearing on 8 April against Genç LGBTİ+ board members. Brussels, 7 April 2026 - In December, a first-instance court ordered the closure of Genç LGBTİ+ (Genç LGBTİ+ Derneği), an LGBTI+ rights organisation based in İzmir, Türkiye, on the grounds of “obscenity” linked to past social media content of drawings posted between 2019-2022. These illustrations, created by LGBTI+ artists during online Pride events, formed part of the organisation’s legitimate human rights and community activities. The court concluded that the visuals could ‘encourage’ people to become lesbian, gay, bisexual or trans, and that they violate public morality and Article 41 (“Protection of the Family”) of the Turkish Constitution, ruling to close the association, thereby violating the exercise of the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of association and non-discrimination. Parallel to the closure case, a criminal case was initiated against a total of 11 people, including members of the association's executive board and supervisory board on charges of violating the law on associations, under Articles 30(b) and 32(p) of the Associations Law, which carry a sentence of imprisonment from 1 to 3 years and a judicial fine. The first hearing will be on 8 April. Furthermore, in February a lawsuit was filed against Defne Güzel, Chair of the board of May 17 Association, another LGBTI+ rights organisation in Türkiye. Defne is accused of violating the Law on Associations on the grounds that a book and an exhibition catalogue published by the association were “contrary to public morality.” She is also facing a 1 to 3 years prison sentence and judicial fine under the same provisions as the Genç LGBTİ+ executives. If convicted, both Defne and Genç LGBTİ+ executives will also be stripped of certain rights under Article 53 of the Turkish Criminal Code. These rights also include the right to become a member of the board of directors or supervisory board of a civil society organisation.This further targets not only individuals but also Genç LGBTİ+’s and May 17 Association’s right to freedom of association. These cases follow a series of audits of LGBTI+ organisations in 2024. In both Genç LGBTİ+ and Defne’s cases the proceedings raise serious concerns regarding due process, including the speed of the proceedings and the prosecutor’s decisions to indict despite expert and audit reports indicating no wrongdoing. In addition, Defne is being held accountable for other people's social media posts which use the #MyIntersexStory tag. Genç LGBTİ+ has announced its intention to appeal. Over the past several years, Türkiye has witnessed a sustained deterioration in respect for the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, with LGBTI+ people and organisations particularly targeted. Within the framework of declaring 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” the Ministry of Family and Social Services issued a circular in May 2025 targeting universal rights-based concepts such as gender and LGBTI+ equality. This period has also been marked by repeated bans on Pride events, mass detentions of LGBTI+ human rights defenders and journalists, the targeting of artistic and journalistic expression, and regulatory and administrative measures that have particularly exposed LGBTI+ people to heightened risks. Most notably, in 2025 authorities twice attempted to introduce legal measures that would criminalise LGBTI+ persons and LGBTI+ advocacy (introducing so-called “anti-LGBT propaganda” measures), and in February this year renewed discussions signal that these measures are likely to be reintroduced. This follows a tightening of restrictions to access to gender affirming treatment under regulations that came into effect in June 2025. These legal measures formalise discriminatory practices that have long been institutionalised and represent a constant threat to LGBTI+ civil society. In parallel, LGBTI+ civil society organisations have increasingly been subjected to unprecedented and discriminatory administrative scrutiny. Government-sanctioned audits, formally presented as routine oversight, have in practice gone far beyond standard CSO accountability requirements. Why this case matters beyond a single organisation The closure of Genç LGBTİ+ cannot be viewed as an isolated judicial decision. It represents a significant escalation in an already established pattern of repression. Since 2021, at least six associations have faced closure cases in Türkiye, reflecting a worrisome trend. Four of them, including Genç LGBTİ+, were dissolved, and two of the cases are ongoing. One of the ongoing dissolution cases against the Tarlabaşı Community Center (TCC) in Istanbul also claims that the association acted contrary to the law and morality for their LGBTI+ -inclusive gender equality work with women and children. Similar to Genç LGBTİ+, the chairperson of TCC faced a criminal investigation for obscenity that was eventually closed, but she is currently on trial for violating the law on associations. Furthermore, with the targeting of Defne Güzel in February, as well as Enes Hocaoğulları and Yıldız Tar in 2025, we see a rapidly increasing trend of targeting individual leaders of the LGBTI+ human rights movement in Türkiye. This further adds to the climate of intimidation of LGBTI+ activism, and demonstrates how existing laws are being used to achieve outcomes similar to so-called “anti-propaganda” legislation, even in the absence of newly adopted laws. These attacks on LGBTI+ human rights organisations are set to continue, as new audits are foreseen this year, and the draconian amendments criminalising LGBTI+ people and restricting rights are being discussed for retabling in parliament. Concerted action is therefore needed to safeguard the enjoyment for LGBTI+ people and CSOs to their rights to freedom of association, assembly and expression, including artistic expression. The current crackdown on all three of these fundamental rights for LGBTI+ people and CSOs is symptomatic of democratic decline and poses a serious threat to rights and equality for Türkiye’s LGBTI+ community. The undersigned organisations urge the Government of Türkiye to:

1. Remove amendments aimed at restricting rights and introducing discrimination against LGBTI+ persons from future legislation;
2. Immediately halt discriminatory audits of organisations working with LGBTI+ communities;
3. Stop using morality and obscenity laws to suppress LGBTI+ expression and association;
4. Ensure fair and independent proceedings in the Genç LGBTİ+ and Defne Güzel cases;
5. Guarantee equal and non-discriminatory treatment of all civil society organisations under the law.

We further call on the European Union to:

1. Condemn draft anti-LGBTI+ provisions and call for their removal from draft legislative proposals;
2. Explicitly raise the discriminatory use of audits against LGBTI+ organisations in its dialogue with Türkiye;
3. Treat the closure of Genç LGBTİ+ as a prominent example of the erosion of the rule of law and a violation of the right to freedoms of association and expression;
4. Reiterate that human rights are a non-negotiable and integral part of the EU’s relations with Türkiye and that therefore tangible human rights improvements are essential to deepening bilateral trade and investment.

We also call on the Council of Europe to:

1. Condemn draft anti-LGBTI+ provisions and call for their removal from draft legislative proposals;
2. Closely monitor discriminatory audits targeting organisations working on LGBTI+ topics in Türkiye;
3. Engage authorities to reaffirm that such practices violate European Convention on Human Rights standards;
4. Clearly state that portraying LGBTI+ identities or work as obscene or harmful is incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.

How you can help

• Share this statement widely on social media, tagging your country’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and your country’s MEPs;
• Join Amnesty International’s Urgent Action: write to Izmir Chief Public Prosecutor demanding the dropping of all criminal charges against Genç LGBTI+ board members: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/EUR44/0823/2026/en/

]]> The undersigned European and national human rights organisations express deep concern at the December court ruling in Türkiye shutting down LGBTI+ youth organisation, Genç LGBTİ+, the lawsuit initiated against its board members, and the February lawsuit filed against LGBTI+ human rights defender Defne Güzel, noting that these cases represent very worrying examples of the repression facing LGBTI+ rights advocacy, amid renewed discussion of the retabling of draconian anti-LGBTI+ legislative proposals. We call for action ahead of the first hearing on 8 April against Genç LGBTİ+ board members. Brussels, 7 April 2026 - In December, a first-instance court ordered the closure of Genç LGBTİ+ (Genç LGBTİ+ Derneği), an LGBTI+ rights organisation based in İzmir, Türkiye, on the grounds of “obscenity” linked to past social media content of drawings posted between 2019-2022. These illustrations, created by LGBTI+ artists during online Pride events, formed part of the organisation’s legitimate human rights and community activities. The court concluded that the visuals could ‘encourage’ people to become lesbian, gay, bisexual or trans, and that they violate public morality and Article 41 (“Protection of the Family”) of the Turkish Constitution, ruling to close the association, thereby violating the exercise of the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of association and non-discrimination. Parallel to the closure case, a criminal case was initiated against a total of 11 people, including members of the association's executive board and supervisory board on charges of violating the law on associations, under Articles 30(b) and 32(p) of the Associations Law, which carry a sentence of imprisonment from 1 to 3 years and a judicial fine. The first hearing will be on 8 April. Furthermore, in February a lawsuit was filed against Defne Güzel, Chair of the board of May 17 Association, another LGBTI+ rights organisation in Türkiye. Defne is accused of violating the Law on Associations on the grounds that a book and an exhibition catalogue published by the association were “contrary to public morality.” She is also facing a 1 to 3 years prison sentence and judicial fine under the same provisions as the Genç LGBTİ+ executives. If convicted, both Defne and Genç LGBTİ+ executives will also be stripped of certain rights under Article 53 of the Turkish Criminal Code. These rights also include the right to become a member of the board of directors or supervisory board of a civil society organisation.This further targets not only individuals but also Genç LGBTİ+’s and May 17 Association’s right to freedom of association. These cases follow a series of audits of LGBTI+ organisations in 2024. In both Genç LGBTİ+ and Defne’s cases the proceedings raise serious concerns regarding due process, including the speed of the proceedings and the prosecutor’s decisions to indict despite expert and audit reports indicating no wrongdoing. In addition, Defne is being held accountable for other people's social media posts which use the #MyIntersexStory tag. Genç LGBTİ+ has announced its intention to appeal. Over the past several years, Türkiye has witnessed a sustained deterioration in respect for the freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, with LGBTI+ people and organisations particularly targeted. Within the framework of declaring 2025 as the “Year of the Family,” the Ministry of Family and Social Services issued a circular in May 2025 targeting universal rights-based concepts such as gender and LGBTI+ equality. This period has also been marked by repeated bans on Pride events, mass detentions of LGBTI+ human rights defenders and journalists, the targeting of artistic and journalistic expression, and regulatory and administrative measures that have particularly exposed LGBTI+ people to heightened risks. Most notably, in 2025 authorities twice attempted to introduce legal measures that would criminalise LGBTI+ persons and LGBTI+ advocacy (introducing so-called “anti-LGBT propaganda” measures), and in February this year renewed discussions signal that these measures are likely to be reintroduced. This follows a tightening of restrictions to access to gender affirming treatment under regulations that came into effect in June 2025. These legal measures formalise discriminatory practices that have long been institutionalised and represent a constant threat to LGBTI+ civil society. In parallel, LGBTI+ civil society organisations have increasingly been subjected to unprecedented and discriminatory administrative scrutiny. Government-sanctioned audits, formally presented as routine oversight, have in practice gone far beyond standard CSO accountability requirements. Why this case matters beyond a single organisation The closure of Genç LGBTİ+ cannot be viewed as an isolated judicial decision. It represents a significant escalation in an already established pattern of repression. Since 2021, at least six associations have faced closure cases in Türkiye, reflecting a worrisome trend. Four of them, including Genç LGBTİ+, were dissolved, and two of the cases are ongoing. One of the ongoing dissolution cases against the Tarlabaşı Community Center (TCC) in Istanbul also claims that the association acted contrary to the law and morality for their LGBTI+ -inclusive gender equality work with women and children. Similar to Genç LGBTİ+, the chairperson of TCC faced a criminal investigation for obscenity that was eventually closed, but she is currently on trial for violating the law on associations. Furthermore, with the targeting of Defne Güzel in February, as well as Enes Hocaoğulları and Yıldız Tar in 2025, we see a rapidly increasing trend of targeting individual leaders of the LGBTI+ human rights movement in Türkiye. This further adds to the climate of intimidation of LGBTI+ activism, and demonstrates how existing laws are being used to achieve outcomes similar to so-called “anti-propaganda” legislation, even in the absence of newly adopted laws. These attacks on LGBTI+ human rights organisations are set to continue, as new audits are foreseen this year, and the draconian amendments criminalising LGBTI+ people and restricting rights are being discussed for retabling in parliament. Concerted action is therefore needed to safeguard the enjoyment for LGBTI+ people and CSOs to their rights to freedom of association, assembly and expression, including artistic expression. The current crackdown on all three of these fundamental rights for LGBTI+ people and CSOs is symptomatic of democratic decline and poses a serious threat to rights and equality for Türkiye’s LGBTI+ community. The undersigned organisations urge the Government of Türkiye to:

1. Remove amendments aimed at restricting rights and introducing discrimination against LGBTI+ persons from future legislation;
2. Immediately halt discriminatory audits of organisations working with LGBTI+ communities;
3. Stop using morality and obscenity laws to suppress LGBTI+ expression and association;
4. Ensure fair and independent proceedings in the Genç LGBTİ+ and Defne Güzel cases;
5. Guarantee equal and non-discriminatory treatment of all civil society organisations under the law.

We further call on the European Union to:

1. Condemn draft anti-LGBTI+ provisions and call for their removal from draft legislative proposals;
2. Explicitly raise the discriminatory use of audits against LGBTI+ organisations in its dialogue with Türkiye;
3. Treat the closure of Genç LGBTİ+ as a prominent example of the erosion of the rule of law and a violation of the right to freedoms of association and expression;
4. Reiterate that human rights are a non-negotiable and integral part of the EU’s relations with Türkiye and that therefore tangible human rights improvements are essential to deepening bilateral trade and investment.

We also call on the Council of Europe to:

1. Condemn draft anti-LGBTI+ provisions and call for their removal from draft legislative proposals;
2. Closely monitor discriminatory audits targeting organisations working on LGBTI+ topics in Türkiye;
3. Engage authorities to reaffirm that such practices violate European Convention on Human Rights standards;
4. Clearly state that portraying LGBTI+ identities or work as obscene or harmful is incompatible with the European Convention on Human Rights.

How you can help

• Share this statement widely on social media, tagging your country’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and your country’s MEPs;
• Join Amnesty International’s Urgent Action: write to Izmir Chief Public Prosecutor demanding the dropping of all criminal charges against Genç LGBTI+ board members: https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/EUR44/0823/2026/en/

]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/kyrgyzstan-human-rights-defender-tolekan-ismailova-interrogated-by-police-and-threatened-with-criminal-investigation/ Thu, 19 Mar 2026 16:06:51 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24552 Tolekan Ismailova, human rights defender and Director of the Kyrgyz human rights organisation Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan with two other human right defenders, Bermet Borukeeva and Bulat Satarkulov. On 13 March 2026, police officers took Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva and Mr Bulat Satarkulov to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Bishkek for questioning in relation to publications posted on Ms. Ismailova’s personal Facebook account concerning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. According to police authorities, on 12 March 2026, during monitoring of online resources, officers from the department for combating extremism and illegal migration identified a social media account belonging to Ms. Ismailova containing posts on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine interpreted by the authorities as expressing support for Ukraine. However, the investigator’s questions did not only concern the content of the Facebook posts, but also the organization Bir Duino – Kyrgyzstan and its funding. The investigator asked whether her posts containing expressions of support for Ukraine reflected Ms Ismailova’s personal views or this is the position of the organisation Bir Duino, which she heads. The investigator also inquired whether she had received any remuneration for these publications and whether she was aware that such posts could “provoke public resonance and contentious discussions among users.” Ms Ismailova replied that she only expresses her personal views on her page and reaffirmed her anti-war stance, emphasising that she is the daughter of a World War II veteran. After questioning, which lasted approximately six hours in total, the human rights defenders were released from the police station without charges being brought against them. However, police officers informed Ms Ismailova that the texts of her Facebook posts would be sent for expert examination to determine whether they violate Article 330 of the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan (incitement of racial, ethnic, national, religious, or interregional hatred, punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment). The questioning took place on the same day that Ms Ismailova and other activists had planned to organise a peaceful action titled “Freedom for Peaceful Assemblies of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” near the Pervomaisky District Administration building in Bishkek. It seems that the Facebook posts were used as a pretext to intimidate, prevent and detain these individuals of undertaking that planned peaceful assembly.. The action aimed to raise concerns about restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, including existing limitations on demonstrations in Bishkek, which have been repeatedly extended for years.The Observatory views these measures, particularly the summoning activists for questioning immediately ahead of planned peaceful assemblies, as forms of pressure that create a chilling effect and may amount to interference with the right to peaceful protest or even intimidation. The Observatory further expresses concern that the questioning of Ms Ismailova, particularly in relation to her personal social media posts, constitutes judicial harassment aimed at restricting her right to freedom of expression and intimidating a prominent human rights defender. The Observatory recalls that Kyrgyzstan, as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression (Article 19) and the right to peaceful assembly (Article 21), must ensure that there are no restrictions or obstacles to these freedoms. The Observatory calls on the authorities of Kyrgyzstan to guarantee that Ms Ismailova and all human rights defenders in the country are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of intimidation or judicial harassment. Actions requested: Please write to the authorities of Kyrgyzstan asking them to: Guarantee in all circumstances the physical integrity and psychological well-being of Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva, and Mr Bulat Satarkulov, as well as all human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan; Put an end to all acts of harassment, including judicial harassment, against Ms. Tolekan Ismailova, and ensure that she can carry out her legitimate human rights activities without interference; Ensure that no criminal charges are brought against Ms. Ismailova for the peaceful exercise of her right to freedom of expression, including her personal social media posts; Guarantee in all circumstances the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21 of the ICCPR, and ensure that human rights defenders can carry out their legitimate activities without fear of reprisals, including from foreign state pressure; Ensure that human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan are able to carry out their activities without any fear of reprisals. Addresses: • Mr Sadyr Japarov, President of Kyrgyzstan, Email: adskyrgyzstan@gmail.com, X: @SadyrJaparov, • Mr Adylbek Kasymaliev, Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan, Email: contactcenter@tunduk.gov.kg, • Mr Ulan Niyazbekov, Minister of Internal Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: secretariat@mvd.kg, • Mr Kulubaev Zheenbek Moldokanovic, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: info@mfa.gov.kg; dded@mfa.gov.kg, X: @MFA_Kyrgyzstan, • Mr Ayaz Baetov, Minister of Justice, Email: isakov@minjust.gov.kg / baetov.a@gmail.com, • Mr Ruslan Mukambetov, Minister of Defense, Email: op.minoboron@bk.ru, • Mr Jamilya Jamanbaeva, Ombudsman of the Kyrgyz Republic, Email: akyikatchy@ombudsman.kg, Please also write to the diplomatic missions or embassies of Kyrgyzstan in your respective countries. *** Paris-Geneva, 19 March 2026 Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (the Observatory) was created in 1997 by FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). The objective of this programme is to intervene to prevent or remedy situations of repression against human rights defenders. FIDH and OMCT are both members of ProtectDefenders.eu, the European Union Human Rights Defenders Mechanism implemented by international civil society. To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line: • E-mail: alert@observatoryfordefenders.org • Tel FIDH: + 33 1 43 55 25 18 • Tel OMCT: + 41 22 809 49 39]]> Tolekan Ismailova, human rights defender and Director of the Kyrgyz human rights organisation Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan with two other human right defenders, Bermet Borukeeva and Bulat Satarkulov. On 13 March 2026, police officers took Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva and Mr Bulat Satarkulov to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Bishkek for questioning in relation to publications posted on Ms. Ismailova’s personal Facebook account concerning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. According to police authorities, on 12 March 2026, during monitoring of online resources, officers from the department for combating extremism and illegal migration identified a social media account belonging to Ms. Ismailova containing posts on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine interpreted by the authorities as expressing support for Ukraine. However, the investigator’s questions did not only concern the content of the Facebook posts, but also the organization Bir Duino – Kyrgyzstan and its funding. The investigator asked whether her posts containing expressions of support for Ukraine reflected Ms Ismailova’s personal views or this is the position of the organisation Bir Duino, which she heads. The investigator also inquired whether she had received any remuneration for these publications and whether she was aware that such posts could “provoke public resonance and contentious discussions among users.” Ms Ismailova replied that she only expresses her personal views on her page and reaffirmed her anti-war stance, emphasising that she is the daughter of a World War II veteran. After questioning, which lasted approximately six hours in total, the human rights defenders were released from the police station without charges being brought against them. However, police officers informed Ms Ismailova that the texts of her Facebook posts would be sent for expert examination to determine whether they violate Article 330 of the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan (incitement of racial, ethnic, national, religious, or interregional hatred, punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment). The questioning took place on the same day that Ms Ismailova and other activists had planned to organise a peaceful action titled “Freedom for Peaceful Assemblies of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” near the Pervomaisky District Administration building in Bishkek. It seems that the Facebook posts were used as a pretext to intimidate, prevent and detain these individuals of undertaking that planned peaceful assembly.. The action aimed to raise concerns about restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, including existing limitations on demonstrations in Bishkek, which have been repeatedly extended for years.The Observatory views these measures, particularly the summoning activists for questioning immediately ahead of planned peaceful assemblies, as forms of pressure that create a chilling effect and may amount to interference with the right to peaceful protest or even intimidation. The Observatory further expresses concern that the questioning of Ms Ismailova, particularly in relation to her personal social media posts, constitutes judicial harassment aimed at restricting her right to freedom of expression and intimidating a prominent human rights defender. The Observatory recalls that Kyrgyzstan, as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression (Article 19) and the right to peaceful assembly (Article 21), must ensure that there are no restrictions or obstacles to these freedoms. The Observatory calls on the authorities of Kyrgyzstan to guarantee that Ms Ismailova and all human rights defenders in the country are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of intimidation or judicial harassment. Actions requested: Please write to the authorities of Kyrgyzstan asking them to: Guarantee in all circumstances the physical integrity and psychological well-being of Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva, and Mr Bulat Satarkulov, as well as all human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan; Put an end to all acts of harassment, including judicial harassment, against Ms. Tolekan Ismailova, and ensure that she can carry out her legitimate human rights activities without interference; Ensure that no criminal charges are brought against Ms. Ismailova for the peaceful exercise of her right to freedom of expression, including her personal social media posts; Guarantee in all circumstances the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21 of the ICCPR, and ensure that human rights defenders can carry out their legitimate activities without fear of reprisals, including from foreign state pressure; Ensure that human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan are able to carry out their activities without any fear of reprisals. Addresses: • Mr Sadyr Japarov, President of Kyrgyzstan, Email: adskyrgyzstan@gmail.com, X: @SadyrJaparov, • Mr Adylbek Kasymaliev, Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan, Email: contactcenter@tunduk.gov.kg, • Mr Ulan Niyazbekov, Minister of Internal Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: secretariat@mvd.kg, • Mr Kulubaev Zheenbek Moldokanovic, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: info@mfa.gov.kg; dded@mfa.gov.kg, X: @MFA_Kyrgyzstan, • Mr Ayaz Baetov, Minister of Justice, Email: isakov@minjust.gov.kg / baetov.a@gmail.com, • Mr Ruslan Mukambetov, Minister of Defense, Email: op.minoboron@bk.ru, • Mr Jamilya Jamanbaeva, Ombudsman of the Kyrgyz Republic, Email: akyikatchy@ombudsman.kg, Please also write to the diplomatic missions or embassies of Kyrgyzstan in your respective countries. *** Paris-Geneva, 19 March 2026 Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (the Observatory) was created in 1997 by FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). The objective of this programme is to intervene to prevent or remedy situations of repression against human rights defenders. FIDH and OMCT are both members of ProtectDefenders.eu, the European Union Human Rights Defenders Mechanism implemented by international civil society. To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line: • E-mail: alert@observatoryfordefenders.org • Tel FIDH: + 33 1 43 55 25 18 • Tel OMCT: + 41 22 809 49 39]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/kyrgyzstan-human-rights-defender-tolekan-ismailova-interrogated-by-police-and-threatened-with-criminal-investigation-2/ Thu, 19 Mar 2026 14:38:43 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24587 Tolekan Ismailova, human rights defender and Director of the Kyrgyz human rights organisation Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan with two other human right defenders, Bermet Borukeeva and Bulat Satarkulov. On 13 March 2026, police officers took Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva and Mr Bulat Satarkulov to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Bishkek for questioning in relation to publications posted on Ms. Ismailova’s personal Facebook account concerning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. According to police authorities, on 12 March 2026, during monitoring of online resources, officers from the department for combating extremism and illegal migration identified a social media account belonging to Ms. Ismailova containing posts on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine interpreted by the authorities as expressing support for Ukraine. However, the investigator’s questions did not only concern the content of the Facebook posts, but also the organization Bir Duino – Kyrgyzstan and its funding. The investigator asked whether her posts containing expressions of support for Ukraine reflected Ms Ismailova’s personal views or this is the position of the organisation Bir Duino, which she heads. The investigator also inquired whether she had received any remuneration for these publications and whether she was aware that such posts could “provoke public resonance and contentious discussions among users.” Ms Ismailova replied that she only expresses her personal views on her page and reaffirmed her anti-war stance, emphasising that she is the daughter of a World War II veteran. After questioning, which lasted approximately six hours in total, the human rights defenders were released from the police station without charges being brought against them. However, police officers informed Ms Ismailova that the texts of her Facebook posts would be sent for expert examination to determine whether they violate Article 330 of the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan (incitement of racial, ethnic, national, religious, or interregional hatred, punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment). The questioning took place on the same day that Ms Ismailova and other activists had planned to organise a peaceful action titled “Freedom for Peaceful Assemblies of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” near the Pervomaisky District Administration building in Bishkek. It seems that the Facebook posts were used as a pretext to intimidate, prevent and detain these individuals of undertaking that planned peaceful assembly.. The action aimed to raise concerns about restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, including existing limitations on demonstrations in Bishkek, which have been repeatedly extended for years.The Observatory views these measures, particularly the summoning activists for questioning immediately ahead of planned peaceful assemblies, as forms of pressure that create a chilling effect and may amount to interference with the right to peaceful protest or even intimidation. The Observatory further expresses concern that the questioning of Ms Ismailova, particularly in relation to her personal social media posts, constitutes judicial harassment aimed at restricting her right to freedom of expression and intimidating a prominent human rights defender. The Observatory recalls that Kyrgyzstan, as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression (Article 19) and the right to peaceful assembly (Article 21), must ensure that there are no restrictions or obstacles to these freedoms. The Observatory calls on the authorities of Kyrgyzstan to guarantee that Ms Ismailova and all human rights defenders in the country are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of intimidation or judicial harassment.]]> Tolekan Ismailova, human rights defender and Director of the Kyrgyz human rights organisation Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan with two other human right defenders, Bermet Borukeeva and Bulat Satarkulov. On 13 March 2026, police officers took Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva and Mr Bulat Satarkulov to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Bishkek for questioning in relation to publications posted on Ms. Ismailova’s personal Facebook account concerning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. According to police authorities, on 12 March 2026, during monitoring of online resources, officers from the department for combating extremism and illegal migration identified a social media account belonging to Ms. Ismailova containing posts on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine interpreted by the authorities as expressing support for Ukraine. However, the investigator’s questions did not only concern the content of the Facebook posts, but also the organization Bir Duino – Kyrgyzstan and its funding. The investigator asked whether her posts containing expressions of support for Ukraine reflected Ms Ismailova’s personal views or this is the position of the organisation Bir Duino, which she heads. The investigator also inquired whether she had received any remuneration for these publications and whether she was aware that such posts could “provoke public resonance and contentious discussions among users.” Ms Ismailova replied that she only expresses her personal views on her page and reaffirmed her anti-war stance, emphasising that she is the daughter of a World War II veteran. After questioning, which lasted approximately six hours in total, the human rights defenders were released from the police station without charges being brought against them. However, police officers informed Ms Ismailova that the texts of her Facebook posts would be sent for expert examination to determine whether they violate Article 330 of the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan (incitement of racial, ethnic, national, religious, or interregional hatred, punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment). The questioning took place on the same day that Ms Ismailova and other activists had planned to organise a peaceful action titled “Freedom for Peaceful Assemblies of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” near the Pervomaisky District Administration building in Bishkek. It seems that the Facebook posts were used as a pretext to intimidate, prevent and detain these individuals of undertaking that planned peaceful assembly.. The action aimed to raise concerns about restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, including existing limitations on demonstrations in Bishkek, which have been repeatedly extended for years.The Observatory views these measures, particularly the summoning activists for questioning immediately ahead of planned peaceful assemblies, as forms of pressure that create a chilling effect and may amount to interference with the right to peaceful protest or even intimidation. The Observatory further expresses concern that the questioning of Ms Ismailova, particularly in relation to her personal social media posts, constitutes judicial harassment aimed at restricting her right to freedom of expression and intimidating a prominent human rights defender. The Observatory recalls that Kyrgyzstan, as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression (Article 19) and the right to peaceful assembly (Article 21), must ensure that there are no restrictions or obstacles to these freedoms. The Observatory calls on the authorities of Kyrgyzstan to guarantee that Ms Ismailova and all human rights defenders in the country are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of intimidation or judicial harassment.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/georgia-authorities-must-repeal-new-amendments-on-the-law-on-grants-and-other-repressive-legislation-criminalising-human-rights-work/ Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:11:33 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24561 Paris-Geneva-Tbilisi, 18 March 2026. On 28 January 2026, the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party introduced legislative amendments on the Georgian Law “On Grants” before the Georgian Parliament. Thes new amendments were subsequently adopted by Parliament on 4 March, with the aim of effectively dismantling independent civil society organisations by cutting them off from foreign funding, and criminalising their vital work inside Georgia. Just before the new amendments were passed, the Georgian Law “On Grants” adopted in 1996 and amended several times, including most recently in April 2025, already obliged foreign donors to obtain government approval before providing grants to Georgian recipients, and imposed heavy administrative fines for grant recipients receiving funding without prior government authorisation. Under the newly adopted amendments, receiving “unauthorised” grants now constitutes criminal offence, punishable by up to six years of imprisonment. The definition of “foreign grants” has also been significantly expanded, allowing for the arbitrary and politically motivated criminal prosecution of civil society actors. In addition, individuals previously employed by organisations receiving more than 20 percent of their funding from foreign sources within a calendar year are now banned from political party membership for eight years. At the end of January, the GD had announced that this package of amendments was aimed at making it “significantly more difficult” to receive foreign support for activities framed as “political” or influencing public life. The amended legislation also introduces criminal liability for vaguely defined “extremism against the constitutional order” (new Article 360 of the Georgian Criminal Code). This provision seeks to punish the “systematic” “non-recognition of the Georgian Dream government”, including through “systematic and public calls (…) for mass violations of legislation, mass disobedience to state authorities, or the creation of alternative bodies to state authorities”, with fines and up to three years of imprisonment. This provision is designed as a tool to silence and suppress further peaceful protest against the violations carried out by GD, to further restrict the human rights work of civil society organisations, and to dismantle essential democratic safeguards. These legislative developments have prompted strong reactions from the international community. On 12 February 2026, the European Union Ambassador to Georgia Paweł Herczyński met the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Georgia, George Zurabashvili, and called on the Georgian authorities to ensure that the proposed amendments comply with Georgia’s commitments under the EU–Georgia Association Agreement, as well as the commitments undertaken by Georgia as a EU membership candidate country. On 29 January 2026, 23 OSCE participating Statesexplicitly cited growing concerns over restrictions on fundamental freedoms and the increasing pressure on independent voices and opposition actors in Georgia, leading to the first ever invocation of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. The Observatory emphasises that these new restrictions are part of a broader legislative trajectory aimed at systematically restricting the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly in Georgia. As documented by the Observatory, over the past two years, the Georgian authorities have adopted and expanded a series of repressive laws that drastically impact the work of civil society organisations, independent media and human rights defenders, including the 2024 Law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence”, currently challenged before the European Court of Human Rights, and the 2025 Foreign Agents Registration Act. In such a climate, the ability of human rights defenders, independent media and civil society actors to work freely and safely is under severe threat. Therefore, the Observatory and the undersigned organisations urge the Georgian authorities to: Repeal the amendments to the Law “On Grants” and all other legislation restricting the legitimate work of human rights defenders and civil society; Ensure that any regulation of civil society financing complies fully with Georgia’s obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), including the rights of freedom of association, freedom of peaceful assembly, and freedom of expression; Put an end to any act of harassment and intimidation of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, and journalists.]]> Paris-Geneva-Tbilisi, 18 March 2026. On 28 January 2026, the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party introduced legislative amendments on the Georgian Law “On Grants” before the Georgian Parliament. Thes new amendments were subsequently adopted by Parliament on 4 March, with the aim of effectively dismantling independent civil society organisations by cutting them off from foreign funding, and criminalising their vital work inside Georgia. Just before the new amendments were passed, the Georgian Law “On Grants” adopted in 1996 and amended several times, including most recently in April 2025, already obliged foreign donors to obtain government approval before providing grants to Georgian recipients, and imposed heavy administrative fines for grant recipients receiving funding without prior government authorisation. Under the newly adopted amendments, receiving “unauthorised” grants now constitutes criminal offence, punishable by up to six years of imprisonment. The definition of “foreign grants” has also been significantly expanded, allowing for the arbitrary and politically motivated criminal prosecution of civil society actors. In addition, individuals previously employed by organisations receiving more than 20 percent of their funding from foreign sources within a calendar year are now banned from political party membership for eight years. At the end of January, the GD had announced that this package of amendments was aimed at making it “significantly more difficult” to receive foreign support for activities framed as “political” or influencing public life. The amended legislation also introduces criminal liability for vaguely defined “extremism against the constitutional order” (new Article 360 of the Georgian Criminal Code). This provision seeks to punish the “systematic” “non-recognition of the Georgian Dream government”, including through “systematic and public calls (…) for mass violations of legislation, mass disobedience to state authorities, or the creation of alternative bodies to state authorities”, with fines and up to three years of imprisonment. This provision is designed as a tool to silence and suppress further peaceful protest against the violations carried out by GD, to further restrict the human rights work of civil society organisations, and to dismantle essential democratic safeguards. These legislative developments have prompted strong reactions from the international community. On 12 February 2026, the European Union Ambassador to Georgia Paweł Herczyński met the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Georgia, George Zurabashvili, and called on the Georgian authorities to ensure that the proposed amendments comply with Georgia’s commitments under the EU–Georgia Association Agreement, as well as the commitments undertaken by Georgia as a EU membership candidate country. On 29 January 2026, 23 OSCE participating Statesexplicitly cited growing concerns over restrictions on fundamental freedoms and the increasing pressure on independent voices and opposition actors in Georgia, leading to the first ever invocation of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. The Observatory emphasises that these new restrictions are part of a broader legislative trajectory aimed at systematically restricting the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly in Georgia. As documented by the Observatory, over the past two years, the Georgian authorities have adopted and expanded a series of repressive laws that drastically impact the work of civil society organisations, independent media and human rights defenders, including the 2024 Law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence”, currently challenged before the European Court of Human Rights, and the 2025 Foreign Agents Registration Act. In such a climate, the ability of human rights defenders, independent media and civil society actors to work freely and safely is under severe threat. Therefore, the Observatory and the undersigned organisations urge the Georgian authorities to: Repeal the amendments to the Law “On Grants” and all other legislation restricting the legitimate work of human rights defenders and civil society; Ensure that any regulation of civil society financing complies fully with Georgia’s obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), including the rights of freedom of association, freedom of peaceful assembly, and freedom of expression; Put an end to any act of harassment and intimidation of civil society organisations, human rights defenders, and journalists.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/algerie-fermeture-et-mise-sous-scelles-des-bureaux-de-sos-disparus/ Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:10:40 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24573 entraves répétées à leurs activités. L’association a notamment été ciblée par des interdictions d’événements, la surveillance et l’encerclement de ses locaux par les forces de sécurité, ainsi que par des mesures visant ses membres. En juillet 2025, Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du CFDA, s’est vue refuser arbitrairement l’entrée sur le territoire algérien, la Cour administrative d’appel d’Alger ayant rejeté en janvier 2026 son recours contre cette interdiction d’entrée sur le territoire national. Ces éléments illustrent un schéma de harcèlement visant l’organisation dans un contexte plus large de restriction de l’espace civique, en particulier à l’égard des acteur·rices travaillant sur les disparitions forcées et l’héritage de la décennie noire. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la fermeture des bureaux de SOS Disparus, qui semble viser à réduire au silence l’un des derniers espaces de mémoire et de mobilisation des familles de disparu·es, et à entraver les activités légitimes de défense des droits humains menées par l’association. L’Observatoire rappelle que l’Algérie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités algériennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA, ainsi que de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Algérie ; Lever immédiatement la mesure de fermeture et de mise sous scellés des bureaux de SOS Disparus, et permettre à l’association de reprendre ses activités ; Cesser tout harcèlement et toute intimidation à l’encontre d de l’ensemble des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA ainsi que tou⋅tes les défenseur⋅es des droits humains en Algérie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles ; Garantir le respect effectif de la liberté d’association, de la liberté d’expression et du droit de défendre les droits humains, conformément aux obligations internationales de l’Algérie. Adresses : • M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Président de l’Algérie, E-mail : president@el-mouradia.dz, X : @TebbouneAmadjid • M. Nadir Larbaoui, Premier Ministre de l’Algérie, E-mail : primeminister@pm.gov.dz • M. Abderrachid Tabi, Ministre de la Justice de l’Algérie, E-mail : contact@mjustice.dz • M. Rachid Bladehane Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, Représentation Permanente de la République d’Algérie aux Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, E-mail : contact@mission-algeria.ch • M. Mohamed El Amine Bencherif, Ambassadeur de la République d’Algérie à Bruxelles, E-mail : info@algerian-embassy.be Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques d’Algérie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> entraves répétées à leurs activités. L’association a notamment été ciblée par des interdictions d’événements, la surveillance et l’encerclement de ses locaux par les forces de sécurité, ainsi que par des mesures visant ses membres. En juillet 2025, Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du CFDA, s’est vue refuser arbitrairement l’entrée sur le territoire algérien, la Cour administrative d’appel d’Alger ayant rejeté en janvier 2026 son recours contre cette interdiction d’entrée sur le territoire national. Ces éléments illustrent un schéma de harcèlement visant l’organisation dans un contexte plus large de restriction de l’espace civique, en particulier à l’égard des acteur·rices travaillant sur les disparitions forcées et l’héritage de la décennie noire. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la fermeture des bureaux de SOS Disparus, qui semble viser à réduire au silence l’un des derniers espaces de mémoire et de mobilisation des familles de disparu·es, et à entraver les activités légitimes de défense des droits humains menées par l’association. L’Observatoire rappelle que l’Algérie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités algériennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA, ainsi que de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Algérie ; Lever immédiatement la mesure de fermeture et de mise sous scellés des bureaux de SOS Disparus, et permettre à l’association de reprendre ses activités ; Cesser tout harcèlement et toute intimidation à l’encontre d de l’ensemble des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA ainsi que tou⋅tes les défenseur⋅es des droits humains en Algérie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles ; Garantir le respect effectif de la liberté d’association, de la liberté d’expression et du droit de défendre les droits humains, conformément aux obligations internationales de l’Algérie. Adresses : • M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Président de l’Algérie, E-mail : president@el-mouradia.dz, X : @TebbouneAmadjid • M. Nadir Larbaoui, Premier Ministre de l’Algérie, E-mail : primeminister@pm.gov.dz • M. Abderrachid Tabi, Ministre de la Justice de l’Algérie, E-mail : contact@mjustice.dz • M. Rachid Bladehane Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, Représentation Permanente de la République d’Algérie aux Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, E-mail : contact@mission-algeria.ch • M. Mohamed El Amine Bencherif, Ambassadeur de la République d’Algérie à Bruxelles, E-mail : info@algerian-embassy.be Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques d’Algérie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/ecuador-organizaciones-internacionales-alertan-de-una-acelerada-degradacion-de-los-derechos-humanos/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 13:42:55 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24535

As part of a human rights observation visit, the organisations visited several communities and interviewed human rights and environmental defenders, civil society organisations, public institutions and the international community.

The information gathered points to the closure of civic space, criminalisation and increased threats against human rights defenders, especially in contexts of extractivism or socio-environmental conflicts, threats to judicial independence and a security policy based on the militarisation of the state’s response to human rights issues.

Quito, 10 March 2026. International human rights organisations conducted an observation visit to Ecuador from 2 to 5 March 2026, due to growing concern about the deteriorating human rights situation in the country and the difficulties in exercising the defence of these rights, including access to public information. During the visit, our organisations held meetings with communities, human rights and environmental defenders, civil society representatives, authorities, international organisations and representatives of the international community in order to obtain a comprehensive and verified overview of the current situation. Based on the information obtained, our organisations unanimously express our grave concern about the situation of repression and human rights violations, particularly against human rights defenders as well as Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities, "campesino" and Afro-descendant communities, women and young people, and civil society organisations that make up the social fabric of Ecuador. Against this deeply worrying backdrop, we would like to draw attention to the following issues. The rapid deterioration of civic space, including the stigmatisation and criminalisation of human rights and environmental defenders, the use of SLAPPs (strategic lawsuits against public participation) and the violent repression of peaceful protests led by indigenous movements in the context of states of emergency, and the rapid implementation of a new regulatory framework and arbitrary practices against civil society organisations. The implementation of a securitised policy and the normalisation of states of emergency, surveillance and militarisation under the pretext of addressing a serious structural security crisis, as well as the erosion of judicial independence and the rule of law. The adoption of an extractivist approach without prior consultation in the context of the implementation of projects, nor respect for the will of the people expressed in other mechanisms of direct participation. This has had serious impacts on collective rights and the rights of nature, undermining fundamental democratic freedoms. The findings and recommendations will be consolidated in a joint report to be published in the coming months. The organisations participating in the visit will continue to accompany, monitor and raise awareness internationally about the situation of human rights and the rights of nature in Ecuador. Preliminarily, the organisations call for: the Ecuadorian State must guarantee the rights enshrined in the Constitution, comply with the recommendations issued by intergovernmental human rights organisations, and fulfil the obligations it has undertaken through the international treaties it has ratified; the international community must reinforce its monitoring of the situation of human rights and environmental defenders, provide assistance to strengthen the rights system, and offer direct support to civil society as a whole. Finally, our organisations express our solidarity and recognise the dignity and determination of those who continue to legitimately defend their rights in an increasingly hostile environment.]]>

As part of a human rights observation visit, the organisations visited several communities and interviewed human rights and environmental defenders, civil society organisations, public institutions and the international community.

The information gathered points to the closure of civic space, criminalisation and increased threats against human rights defenders, especially in contexts of extractivism or socio-environmental conflicts, threats to judicial independence and a security policy based on the militarisation of the state’s response to human rights issues.

Quito, 10 March 2026. International human rights organisations conducted an observation visit to Ecuador from 2 to 5 March 2026, due to growing concern about the deteriorating human rights situation in the country and the difficulties in exercising the defence of these rights, including access to public information. During the visit, our organisations held meetings with communities, human rights and environmental defenders, civil society representatives, authorities, international organisations and representatives of the international community in order to obtain a comprehensive and verified overview of the current situation. Based on the information obtained, our organisations unanimously express our grave concern about the situation of repression and human rights violations, particularly against human rights defenders as well as Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities, "campesino" and Afro-descendant communities, women and young people, and civil society organisations that make up the social fabric of Ecuador. Against this deeply worrying backdrop, we would like to draw attention to the following issues. The rapid deterioration of civic space, including the stigmatisation and criminalisation of human rights and environmental defenders, the use of SLAPPs (strategic lawsuits against public participation) and the violent repression of peaceful protests led by indigenous movements in the context of states of emergency, and the rapid implementation of a new regulatory framework and arbitrary practices against civil society organisations. The implementation of a securitised policy and the normalisation of states of emergency, surveillance and militarisation under the pretext of addressing a serious structural security crisis, as well as the erosion of judicial independence and the rule of law. The adoption of an extractivist approach without prior consultation in the context of the implementation of projects, nor respect for the will of the people expressed in other mechanisms of direct participation. This has had serious impacts on collective rights and the rights of nature, undermining fundamental democratic freedoms. The findings and recommendations will be consolidated in a joint report to be published in the coming months. The organisations participating in the visit will continue to accompany, monitor and raise awareness internationally about the situation of human rights and the rights of nature in Ecuador. Preliminarily, the organisations call for: the Ecuadorian State must guarantee the rights enshrined in the Constitution, comply with the recommendations issued by intergovernmental human rights organisations, and fulfil the obligations it has undertaken through the international treaties it has ratified; the international community must reinforce its monitoring of the situation of human rights and environmental defenders, provide assistance to strengthen the rights system, and offer direct support to civil society as a whole. Finally, our organisations express our solidarity and recognise the dignity and determination of those who continue to legitimately defend their rights in an increasingly hostile environment.]]>