https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/ Wed, 08 Apr 2026 13:28:36 +0000 fr-FR hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/ 32 32 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/nicaragua-organizaciones-de-derechos-humanos-exigen-la-liberacion-inmediata-de-defensores-indigenas-mayangna-condenados-a-cadena-perpetua/ Thu, 02 Apr 2026 13:19:10 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24611 Ignacio Celso Lino, Argüello Celso Lino, Donald Andrés Bruno Arcángel y Dionisio Robins Zacarías, autoridades indígenas y guardianes forestales del Territorio Mayangna Sauni As, ubicado en la Reserva de la Biosfera de Bosawás, quienes se encuentran privados de libertad desde 2021 en el Centro Penitenciario Jorge Navarro, conocido como “La Modelo”. Los cuatro defensores han desempeñado un rol fundamental en la protección de su territorio ancestral frente a invasiones de colonos armados, actividades extractivas ilegales y proyectos mineros impuestos sin el consentimiento libre, previo e informado de sus comunidades. Su labor como autoridades comunitarias y como guardianes forestales constituyen una expresión legítima del derecho de los pueblos indígenas a la autodeterminación, al control de sus tierras y a la defensa del medio ambiente, derechos reconocidos por instrumentos internacionales de los que el Estado de Nicaragua es parte. El 23 de agosto de 2021 se produjo un ataque armado en el punto de minería artesanal de Kiwakumbaih, en el que fueron asesinadas varias personas, incluidos muchos familiares de los hermanos Celso Lino, y se registraron actos de violencia sexual. Una de las personas asesinadas fue el administrador de la mina, quien era cuñado de los hermanos Celso Lino. Su viuda, hermana de los guardabosques, nunca inculpó a sus hermanos de estos hechos. Las personas sobrevivientes señalaron reiteradamente que los atacantes eran hombres no indígenas, que hablaban español, portaban armas de guerra y vestían indumentaria militar. Sin embargo, en lugar de investigar de manera diligente e imparcial la responsabilidad de estos grupos armados, la Policía Nacional acusó arbitrariamente a miembros del propio pueblo Mayangna, entre ellos a los cuatro defensores mencionados. Las detenciones se realizaron sin orden judicial, sin informarles los motivos de su arresto y sin garantizarles acceso inmediato a defensa técnica ni a interpretación, pese a que su lengua materna es el Mayangna. Tras su captura fueron víctimas de desaparición forzada durante varios meses, mientras sus familias interponían recursos de exhibición personal, que fueron rechazados. El proceso judicial contra estos defensores estuvo marcado por graves irregularidades. El juicio se celebró a puerta cerrada y jamás se individualizaron los hechos atribuidos a cada uno de los acusados. Solo uno de los guardabosques se encontraba en cerca del lugar de los hechos y los propios testigos afirmaron haberlo visto huir del ataque, al igual que otras personas sobrevivientes; los otros tres se encontraban lejos del sitio al momento de la masacre, lo que hacía imposible su participación. Por otro lado, no se presentaron pruebas materiales que los vincularan con los delitos imputados, no se exhibieron armas y la acusación se sustentó principalmente en testimonios de funcionarios públicos y agentes policiales que no estuvieron presentes durante el ataque. Antes de la sentencia, la Policía presentó públicamente a los guardabosques como autores materiales e intelectuales de los crímenes, vulnerando su presunción de inocencia. A pesar de la ausencia de pruebas suficientes, fueron condenados a cadena perpetua más años adicionales por cargos que no fueron debidamente acreditados. Actualmente su caso se encuentra pendiente de resolución mediante un recurso de casación ante la Sala Penal de la Corte Suprema de Justicia. Desde su traslado al sistema penitenciario en diciembre de 2021, los cuatro defensores han permanecido en condiciones inhumanas, sometidos a aislamiento prolongado, incomunicación, tratos crueles, amenazas y agresiones físicas y sexuales. Se les ha negado atención médica adecuada pese a su delicado estado de salud. Sus familiares, que cuentan con recursos limitados, deben recorrer aproximadamente 500 kilómetros para visitarlos y con frecuencia se les impide entregar alimentos y medicinas. Las visitas, cuando se autorizan, se limitan a breves conversaciones a través de un vidrio, sin contacto físico. Además, han sido hostigados por custodios y otros internos cuando hablan Mayangna. La violencia y los impactos físicos y psicosociales derivados de esta detención arbitraria y de este proceso judicial abusivo se ven aún más agravados por un enfoque discriminatorio que reproduce patrones de exclusión y racismo institucional contra los pueblos indígenas. Estos patrones se manifiestan particularmente en la falsa acusación, la negación sistemática de comunicaciones adecuadas, en la falta de acceso efectivo a defensa e interpretación en su propio idioma, en la desvalorización de su identidad cultural y en condiciones de reclusión que desconocen completamente su cosmovisión y dignidad como autoridades tradicionales, que profundizan el sufrimiento individual y colectivo de ellos y de sus comunidades. El caso ha sido objeto de pronunciamientos de mecanismos internacionales de protección. La Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos otorgó medidas cautelares a su favor mediante la Resolución 20/2023 y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos ordenó el 27 de junio de 2023 su liberación. El 2 de octubre de 2024 el Grupo de Trabajo de las Naciones Unidas sobre la Detención Arbitraria emitió la Opinión A/HRC/WGAD/2024/30 declarando que su detención es arbitraria, que fueron privados de libertad por ejercer derechos protegidos por la Declaración sobre Defensores de Derechos Humanos y que el Estado debe proceder a su liberación y reparación. Hasta la fecha, estas decisiones no han sido cumplidas. El Grupo de Trabajo concluyó además que la falta de independencia e imparcialidad del sistema judicial en Nicaragua vulneró su derecho al debido proceso y que su encarcelamiento ha estado acompañado de aislamiento y tortura. El Observatorio para la Protección de los Defensores de Derechos Humanos (OMCT-FIDH) ha denunciado reiteradamente esta situación ante instancias nacionales e internacionales y ha documentado el patrón de persecución contra autoridades indígenas en la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua. Asimismo, en el marco de su campaña internacional “Faces of Hope” (Rostros de Esperanza), la OMCT ha visibilizado el caso de Ignacio Celso Lino, Argüello Celso Lino, Donald Andrés Bruno Arcángel y Dionisio Robins Zacarías, junto con el de otras personas defensoras en situación de detención arbitraria, con el objetivo de exigir su liberación y reafirmar que la defensa de los derechos humanos no puede ser criminalizada. El Observatorio y las demás organizaciones firmantes recuerdan que la criminalización de autoridades indígenas que defienden sus territorios constituye una violación del derecho a defender derechos humanos, del derecho a la libertad personal, del derecho al debido proceso y de los derechos colectivos de los pueblos indígenas sobre el territorio. En vista de los hechos expuestos, solicitamos a las autoridades del Estado de Nicaragua que:

• Garanticen de manera inmediata el derecho al debido proceso y a la tutela judicial efectiva en el marco del recurso de casación pendiente;
• Procedan a la liberación inmediata e incondicional de Ignacio Celso Lino, Argüello Celso Lino, Donald Andrés Bruno Arcángel y Dionisio Robins Zacarías, en cumplimiento de las decisiones internacionales vigentes;
• Investiguen de manera independiente las denuncias de tortura y malos tratos en el sistema penitenciario;
• Garanticen que las autoridades y líderes indígenas puedan ejercer legítimamente sus funciones de defensa del territorio y del medio ambiente sin temor a represalias, criminalización o detención arbitraria.

Confiando en su responsabilidad internacional y en su obligación de respetar y garantizar los derechos humanos, quedamos a su disposición para proporcionar cualquier información adicional que consideren necesaria y reiteramos nuestro llamado urgente a poner fin a esta situación de injusticia.]]> Ignacio Celso Lino, Argüello Celso Lino, Donald Andrés Bruno Arcángel y Dionisio Robins Zacarías, autoridades indígenas y guardianes forestales del Territorio Mayangna Sauni As, ubicado en la Reserva de la Biosfera de Bosawás, quienes se encuentran privados de libertad desde 2021 en el Centro Penitenciario Jorge Navarro, conocido como “La Modelo”. Los cuatro defensores han desempeñado un rol fundamental en la protección de su territorio ancestral frente a invasiones de colonos armados, actividades extractivas ilegales y proyectos mineros impuestos sin el consentimiento libre, previo e informado de sus comunidades. Su labor como autoridades comunitarias y como guardianes forestales constituyen una expresión legítima del derecho de los pueblos indígenas a la autodeterminación, al control de sus tierras y a la defensa del medio ambiente, derechos reconocidos por instrumentos internacionales de los que el Estado de Nicaragua es parte. El 23 de agosto de 2021 se produjo un ataque armado en el punto de minería artesanal de Kiwakumbaih, en el que fueron asesinadas varias personas, incluidos muchos familiares de los hermanos Celso Lino, y se registraron actos de violencia sexual. Una de las personas asesinadas fue el administrador de la mina, quien era cuñado de los hermanos Celso Lino. Su viuda, hermana de los guardabosques, nunca inculpó a sus hermanos de estos hechos. Las personas sobrevivientes señalaron reiteradamente que los atacantes eran hombres no indígenas, que hablaban español, portaban armas de guerra y vestían indumentaria militar. Sin embargo, en lugar de investigar de manera diligente e imparcial la responsabilidad de estos grupos armados, la Policía Nacional acusó arbitrariamente a miembros del propio pueblo Mayangna, entre ellos a los cuatro defensores mencionados. Las detenciones se realizaron sin orden judicial, sin informarles los motivos de su arresto y sin garantizarles acceso inmediato a defensa técnica ni a interpretación, pese a que su lengua materna es el Mayangna. Tras su captura fueron víctimas de desaparición forzada durante varios meses, mientras sus familias interponían recursos de exhibición personal, que fueron rechazados. El proceso judicial contra estos defensores estuvo marcado por graves irregularidades. El juicio se celebró a puerta cerrada y jamás se individualizaron los hechos atribuidos a cada uno de los acusados. Solo uno de los guardabosques se encontraba en cerca del lugar de los hechos y los propios testigos afirmaron haberlo visto huir del ataque, al igual que otras personas sobrevivientes; los otros tres se encontraban lejos del sitio al momento de la masacre, lo que hacía imposible su participación. Por otro lado, no se presentaron pruebas materiales que los vincularan con los delitos imputados, no se exhibieron armas y la acusación se sustentó principalmente en testimonios de funcionarios públicos y agentes policiales que no estuvieron presentes durante el ataque. Antes de la sentencia, la Policía presentó públicamente a los guardabosques como autores materiales e intelectuales de los crímenes, vulnerando su presunción de inocencia. A pesar de la ausencia de pruebas suficientes, fueron condenados a cadena perpetua más años adicionales por cargos que no fueron debidamente acreditados. Actualmente su caso se encuentra pendiente de resolución mediante un recurso de casación ante la Sala Penal de la Corte Suprema de Justicia. Desde su traslado al sistema penitenciario en diciembre de 2021, los cuatro defensores han permanecido en condiciones inhumanas, sometidos a aislamiento prolongado, incomunicación, tratos crueles, amenazas y agresiones físicas y sexuales. Se les ha negado atención médica adecuada pese a su delicado estado de salud. Sus familiares, que cuentan con recursos limitados, deben recorrer aproximadamente 500 kilómetros para visitarlos y con frecuencia se les impide entregar alimentos y medicinas. Las visitas, cuando se autorizan, se limitan a breves conversaciones a través de un vidrio, sin contacto físico. Además, han sido hostigados por custodios y otros internos cuando hablan Mayangna. La violencia y los impactos físicos y psicosociales derivados de esta detención arbitraria y de este proceso judicial abusivo se ven aún más agravados por un enfoque discriminatorio que reproduce patrones de exclusión y racismo institucional contra los pueblos indígenas. Estos patrones se manifiestan particularmente en la falsa acusación, la negación sistemática de comunicaciones adecuadas, en la falta de acceso efectivo a defensa e interpretación en su propio idioma, en la desvalorización de su identidad cultural y en condiciones de reclusión que desconocen completamente su cosmovisión y dignidad como autoridades tradicionales, que profundizan el sufrimiento individual y colectivo de ellos y de sus comunidades. El caso ha sido objeto de pronunciamientos de mecanismos internacionales de protección. La Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos otorgó medidas cautelares a su favor mediante la Resolución 20/2023 y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos ordenó el 27 de junio de 2023 su liberación. El 2 de octubre de 2024 el Grupo de Trabajo de las Naciones Unidas sobre la Detención Arbitraria emitió la Opinión A/HRC/WGAD/2024/30 declarando que su detención es arbitraria, que fueron privados de libertad por ejercer derechos protegidos por la Declaración sobre Defensores de Derechos Humanos y que el Estado debe proceder a su liberación y reparación. Hasta la fecha, estas decisiones no han sido cumplidas. El Grupo de Trabajo concluyó además que la falta de independencia e imparcialidad del sistema judicial en Nicaragua vulneró su derecho al debido proceso y que su encarcelamiento ha estado acompañado de aislamiento y tortura. El Observatorio para la Protección de los Defensores de Derechos Humanos (OMCT-FIDH) ha denunciado reiteradamente esta situación ante instancias nacionales e internacionales y ha documentado el patrón de persecución contra autoridades indígenas en la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua. Asimismo, en el marco de su campaña internacional “Faces of Hope” (Rostros de Esperanza), la OMCT ha visibilizado el caso de Ignacio Celso Lino, Argüello Celso Lino, Donald Andrés Bruno Arcángel y Dionisio Robins Zacarías, junto con el de otras personas defensoras en situación de detención arbitraria, con el objetivo de exigir su liberación y reafirmar que la defensa de los derechos humanos no puede ser criminalizada. El Observatorio y las demás organizaciones firmantes recuerdan que la criminalización de autoridades indígenas que defienden sus territorios constituye una violación del derecho a defender derechos humanos, del derecho a la libertad personal, del derecho al debido proceso y de los derechos colectivos de los pueblos indígenas sobre el territorio. En vista de los hechos expuestos, solicitamos a las autoridades del Estado de Nicaragua que:

• Garanticen de manera inmediata el derecho al debido proceso y a la tutela judicial efectiva en el marco del recurso de casación pendiente;
• Procedan a la liberación inmediata e incondicional de Ignacio Celso Lino, Argüello Celso Lino, Donald Andrés Bruno Arcángel y Dionisio Robins Zacarías, en cumplimiento de las decisiones internacionales vigentes;
• Investiguen de manera independiente las denuncias de tortura y malos tratos en el sistema penitenciario;
• Garanticen que las autoridades y líderes indígenas puedan ejercer legítimamente sus funciones de defensa del territorio y del medio ambiente sin temor a represalias, criminalización o detención arbitraria.

Confiando en su responsabilidad internacional y en su obligación de respetar y garantizar los derechos humanos, quedamos a su disposición para proporcionar cualquier información adicional que consideren necesaria y reiteramos nuestro llamado urgente a poner fin a esta situación de injusticia.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/georgia-fidh-vice-president-ucha-nanuashvili-summoned-and-interrogated-over-cooperation-with-osce/ Mon, 30 Mar 2026 12:51:35 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24601 Ucha Nanuashvili, former Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia, founder of the Democracy Research Institute (DRI) and the Human Rights Center (HRC), and Vice President of FIDH. On 18 March 2026, Ucha Nanuashvili was questioned as a witness before a magistrate judge at the Tbilisi City Court over his communication with OSCE rapporteur Professor Patrycja Grzebyk, appointed to prepare a report on the human rights situation in Georgia under the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. The hearing was conducted as part of an ongoing investigation into assisting “foreign organisations and organisations under foreign control in hostile activities” under Article 319 of Georgia’s Criminal Code, which foresees between five and 15 years of imprisonment. After the interrogation, Mr. Nanuashvili was required to sign a non-disclosure agreement, preventing him from revealing the content of the interrogation. He further denounced the proceedings as completely unfounded. On 16 March 2026, Mr. Nanuashvili was contacted by an investigator from Georgia’s State Security Service, who informed him of the summons in relation to this communication. Mr. Nanuashvili was given the choice to be questioned at the State Security Service premises on 17 March or by a magistrate judge on the following day. This interrogation follows the publication, on 12 March 2026, of a report by the OSCE rapporteur highlighting a “marked democratic backsliding” in Georgia since spring 2024, including concerns over restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, alleged ill-treatment of protesters, restrictive legislation and politically motivated detentions. Instead of addressing these serious allegations, the Georgian authorities appear now to be targeting those who contributed to documenting them. Previously, on 29 January 2026, 23 OSCE participating States had invoked the Moscow Mechanism “to assess Georgia’s implementation of its OSCE commitments, with a particular focus on developments since spring 2024.” The summons also comes amid a hostile narrative by Georgian officials, including Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, who dismissed the OSCE report as “pre-written” and accused its author of political bias. Prior to the summons, pro-government media outlets circulated statements referring to Mr Nanuashvili’s potential involvement in the OSCE process, which may have contributed to the decision to summon him. The Observatory recalls that this development is part of an escalating human rights crisis and increasing pressure on civil society in Georgia, including the judicial harassment of human rights defenders involved in documenting violations, restrictions on foreign funding, and the shrinking space for independent organisations and journalists. As the OSCE report underscores, these measures considerably undermine the legitimate work of human rights defenders and endanger their safety. The Observatory expresses its deep concern that the summoning of Mr Nanuashvili constitutes an act of intimidation aimed at sanctioning his legitimate human rights activities and discouraging him from continuing his work freely and safely. The Observatory calls on the Georgian authorities to end all acts of harassment and intimidation against Ucha Nanuashvili, and to ensure that no sanctions or criminal proceedings are initiated against any human right defenders in Georgia for their cooperation with international human rights mechanisms. The Observatory recalls that, as an OSCE participating State and a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), Georgia must guarantee the right to freedom of expression, as enshrined in Article 19 of the ICCPR and Article 10 of the ECHR.]]> Ucha Nanuashvili, former Public Defender (Ombudsman) of Georgia, founder of the Democracy Research Institute (DRI) and the Human Rights Center (HRC), and Vice President of FIDH. On 18 March 2026, Ucha Nanuashvili was questioned as a witness before a magistrate judge at the Tbilisi City Court over his communication with OSCE rapporteur Professor Patrycja Grzebyk, appointed to prepare a report on the human rights situation in Georgia under the OSCE Moscow Mechanism. The hearing was conducted as part of an ongoing investigation into assisting “foreign organisations and organisations under foreign control in hostile activities” under Article 319 of Georgia’s Criminal Code, which foresees between five and 15 years of imprisonment. After the interrogation, Mr. Nanuashvili was required to sign a non-disclosure agreement, preventing him from revealing the content of the interrogation. He further denounced the proceedings as completely unfounded. On 16 March 2026, Mr. Nanuashvili was contacted by an investigator from Georgia’s State Security Service, who informed him of the summons in relation to this communication. Mr. Nanuashvili was given the choice to be questioned at the State Security Service premises on 17 March or by a magistrate judge on the following day. This interrogation follows the publication, on 12 March 2026, of a report by the OSCE rapporteur highlighting a “marked democratic backsliding” in Georgia since spring 2024, including concerns over restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, alleged ill-treatment of protesters, restrictive legislation and politically motivated detentions. Instead of addressing these serious allegations, the Georgian authorities appear now to be targeting those who contributed to documenting them. Previously, on 29 January 2026, 23 OSCE participating States had invoked the Moscow Mechanism “to assess Georgia’s implementation of its OSCE commitments, with a particular focus on developments since spring 2024.” The summons also comes amid a hostile narrative by Georgian officials, including Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, who dismissed the OSCE report as “pre-written” and accused its author of political bias. Prior to the summons, pro-government media outlets circulated statements referring to Mr Nanuashvili’s potential involvement in the OSCE process, which may have contributed to the decision to summon him. The Observatory recalls that this development is part of an escalating human rights crisis and increasing pressure on civil society in Georgia, including the judicial harassment of human rights defenders involved in documenting violations, restrictions on foreign funding, and the shrinking space for independent organisations and journalists. As the OSCE report underscores, these measures considerably undermine the legitimate work of human rights defenders and endanger their safety. The Observatory expresses its deep concern that the summoning of Mr Nanuashvili constitutes an act of intimidation aimed at sanctioning his legitimate human rights activities and discouraging him from continuing his work freely and safely. The Observatory calls on the Georgian authorities to end all acts of harassment and intimidation against Ucha Nanuashvili, and to ensure that no sanctions or criminal proceedings are initiated against any human right defenders in Georgia for their cooperation with international human rights mechanisms. The Observatory recalls that, as an OSCE participating State and a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), Georgia must guarantee the right to freedom of expression, as enshrined in Article 19 of the ICCPR and Article 10 of the ECHR.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/algerie-fermeture-et-mise-sous-scelles-des-bureaux-de-sos-disparus/ Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:10:40 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24573 entraves répétées à leurs activités. L’association a notamment été ciblée par des interdictions d’événements, la surveillance et l’encerclement de ses locaux par les forces de sécurité, ainsi que par des mesures visant ses membres. En juillet 2025, Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du CFDA, s’est vue refuser arbitrairement l’entrée sur le territoire algérien, la Cour administrative d’appel d’Alger ayant rejeté en janvier 2026 son recours contre cette interdiction d’entrée sur le territoire national. Ces éléments illustrent un schéma de harcèlement visant l’organisation dans un contexte plus large de restriction de l’espace civique, en particulier à l’égard des acteur·rices travaillant sur les disparitions forcées et l’héritage de la décennie noire. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la fermeture des bureaux de SOS Disparus, qui semble viser à réduire au silence l’un des derniers espaces de mémoire et de mobilisation des familles de disparu·es, et à entraver les activités légitimes de défense des droits humains menées par l’association. L’Observatoire rappelle que l’Algérie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités algériennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA, ainsi que de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Algérie ; Lever immédiatement la mesure de fermeture et de mise sous scellés des bureaux de SOS Disparus, et permettre à l’association de reprendre ses activités ; Cesser tout harcèlement et toute intimidation à l’encontre d de l’ensemble des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA ainsi que tou⋅tes les défenseur⋅es des droits humains en Algérie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles ; Garantir le respect effectif de la liberté d’association, de la liberté d’expression et du droit de défendre les droits humains, conformément aux obligations internationales de l’Algérie. Adresses : • M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Président de l’Algérie, E-mail : president@el-mouradia.dz, X : @TebbouneAmadjid • M. Nadir Larbaoui, Premier Ministre de l’Algérie, E-mail : primeminister@pm.gov.dz • M. Abderrachid Tabi, Ministre de la Justice de l’Algérie, E-mail : contact@mjustice.dz • M. Rachid Bladehane Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, Représentation Permanente de la République d’Algérie aux Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, E-mail : contact@mission-algeria.ch • M. Mohamed El Amine Bencherif, Ambassadeur de la République d’Algérie à Bruxelles, E-mail : info@algerian-embassy.be Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques d’Algérie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> entraves répétées à leurs activités. L’association a notamment été ciblée par des interdictions d’événements, la surveillance et l’encerclement de ses locaux par les forces de sécurité, ainsi que par des mesures visant ses membres. En juillet 2025, Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du CFDA, s’est vue refuser arbitrairement l’entrée sur le territoire algérien, la Cour administrative d’appel d’Alger ayant rejeté en janvier 2026 son recours contre cette interdiction d’entrée sur le territoire national. Ces éléments illustrent un schéma de harcèlement visant l’organisation dans un contexte plus large de restriction de l’espace civique, en particulier à l’égard des acteur·rices travaillant sur les disparitions forcées et l’héritage de la décennie noire. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la fermeture des bureaux de SOS Disparus, qui semble viser à réduire au silence l’un des derniers espaces de mémoire et de mobilisation des familles de disparu·es, et à entraver les activités légitimes de défense des droits humains menées par l’association. L’Observatoire rappelle que l’Algérie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités algériennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA, ainsi que de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Algérie ; Lever immédiatement la mesure de fermeture et de mise sous scellés des bureaux de SOS Disparus, et permettre à l’association de reprendre ses activités ; Cesser tout harcèlement et toute intimidation à l’encontre d de l’ensemble des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA ainsi que tou⋅tes les défenseur⋅es des droits humains en Algérie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles ; Garantir le respect effectif de la liberté d’association, de la liberté d’expression et du droit de défendre les droits humains, conformément aux obligations internationales de l’Algérie. Adresses : • M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Président de l’Algérie, E-mail : president@el-mouradia.dz, X : @TebbouneAmadjid • M. Nadir Larbaoui, Premier Ministre de l’Algérie, E-mail : primeminister@pm.gov.dz • M. Abderrachid Tabi, Ministre de la Justice de l’Algérie, E-mail : contact@mjustice.dz • M. Rachid Bladehane Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, Représentation Permanente de la République d’Algérie aux Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, E-mail : contact@mission-algeria.ch • M. Mohamed El Amine Bencherif, Ambassadeur de la République d’Algérie à Bruxelles, E-mail : info@algerian-embassy.be Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques d’Algérie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/tunisie-la-defenseure-des-droits-humains-saadia-mosbah-doit-etre-liberee/ Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:09:08 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24568 Saadia Mosbah, défenseure des droits humains tunisienne, militante antiraciste et présidente de l’association M’nemty, engagée contre les discriminations raciales et pour les droits des personnes en déplacement en Tunisie. Elle a notamment contribué aux mobilisations ayant conduit à l’adoption en 2018 d’une loi tunisienne criminalisant les discriminations raciales. Le 12 mars 2026, Mme Saadia Mosbah a comparu devant la chambre criminelle du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, dans le cadre d’une affaire dans laquelle elle est poursuivie pour blanchiment d’argent en vertu de la loi n°26 de 2015 relative à la lutte contre le terrorisme et le blanchiment d’argent, pour enrichissement illicite et constitution d’une entente criminelle en lien avec les activités de l’association M’nemty, qu’elle préside. Lors de cette audience, ses avocat·es et ses proches ont demandé sa libération, dénonçant un « dossier vide et sans preuves ». Selon sa défense, l’état de santé de Mme Mosbah s’est fortement dégradé au cours de sa détention prolongée. La juridiction a toutefois rejeté sa demande de remise en liberté, et a fixé la prochaine audience au 19 mars 2026 afin d’examiner l’affaire sur le fond. Le 6 mai 2024, les autorités tunisiennes ont arrêté Mme Saadia Mosbah à son domicile dans le cadre d’une enquête judiciaire visant l’association M’nemty. L’enquête porte notamment sur les financements reçus par M’nemty dans le cadre de ses activités de soutien aux personnes en déplacement et de lutte contre les discriminations raciales. Le lendemain de cette arrestation, le 7 mai, les forces de l’ordre ont perquisitionné le siège de l’association M’nemty ainsi que le domicile de Mme Mosbah à Tunis. À l’issue de cette opération, les autorités ont placé la défenseure en détention provisoire à la prison pour femmes de Manouba, au nord du pays. Plusieurs membres de l’association ont également été convoqué·es, interrogé·es puis poursuivi·es pour les mêmes accusations par les autorités judiciaires dans les jours et semaines qui ont suivi, sans être incarcéré·es. Au cours des mois qui ont suivi l’arrestation de Mme Mosbah, le parquet près le tribunal de première instance de Tunis a prolongé à plusieurs reprises sa détention provisoire. En mars 2025, un rapport d’expertise comptable versé au dossier a conclu que les financements de l’association M’nemty étaient légaux, transparents et de faible ampleur, ce qui contredit les accusations de blanchiment d’argent portées contre Mme Mosbah. Malgré ces conclusions, les poursuites ont été maintenues. Le 22 décembre 2025, le procès de Mme Saadia Mosbah s’était ouvert devant la chambre criminelle du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, où plusieurs dizaines de personnes se sont rassemblées pour demander sa libération. Plusieurs membres de l’association M’nemty, également poursuivi·es, comparaissaient libres. Depuis le début de sa détention, Mme Mosbah a également dénoncé des conditions de détention difficiles. Transférée de la prison pour femmes de Manouba vers celle de Béni Khalled, dans le gouvernorat de Nabeul, elle a signalé dans des lettres rendues publiques en septembre et octobre 2025 des difficultés d’accès à l’eau potable, des restrictions concernant la réception de livres ainsi que des limitations dans les visites familiales. L’Observatoire rappelle qu’en février 2023, le président tunisien Kaïs Saïed a prononcé un discours dénonçant l’arrivée de personnes migrantes d’Afrique subsaharienne et évoquant un prétendu complot visant à modifier la composition démographique du pays. L’arrestation de Mme Mosbah est intervenue dans ce contexte de campagnes de diffamation et de harcèlement visant l’association M’nemty et plusieurs de ses membres sur les réseaux sociaux, accusant notamment l’organisation de participer à ce prétendu complot. L’Observatoire rappelle également que les poursuites visant Mme Mosbah s’inscrivent dans un contexte de répression croissante de la société civile en Tunisie, marqué par des poursuites judiciaires contre des défenseur·es des droits humains, des campagnes de dénigrement dans les médias et des restrictions visant les organisations travaillant sur les questions migratoires. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face au maintien en détention de Mme Saadia Mosbah depuis près de deux ans et considère que les poursuites engagées contre elle semblent viser à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains, notamment son engagement contre le racisme et pour la défense des droits des personnes en déplacement. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités tunisiennes à libérer immédiatement Mme Mosbah et note également que ces conditions de détention, compte tenu notamment de son âge (66 ans) et des préoccupations relatives à son état de santé, pourraient constituer des traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants contraires aux obligations internationales de la Tunisie, notamment de l’article 7 et de l’article 10 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques, ainsi que de l’article 16 de la Convention des Nations unies contre la torture. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités tunisiennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique de Saadia Mosbah et de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Tunisie, et garantir son accès à des soins adéquats et aux visites ; Libérer immédiatement et de manière inconditionnelle Saadia Mosbah et tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains arbitrairement détenu·es pour leur travail légitime de défense des droits humains ; Mettre un terme à tout acte de harcèlement, y compris au niveau judiciaire, à l’encontre de Saadia Mosbah ainsi que de tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains ; Garantir le respect effectif du droit à un procès équitable pour Saadia Mosbah et l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains et détenu·e·s en Tunisie ; et Cesser de cibler les défenseur.es et les organisations de droits humains, les journalistes et les médias en Tunisie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles. Adresses : • M. Kaïs Saïed, Président de la République, Email : contact@carthage.tn ; X : @TnPresidency • Mme Sarra Zaafrani Zanzri, Cheffe de gouvernement, Email : boc@pm.gov.tn ; X : @TunisiaPM • Mme Leila Jaffel, Ministre de la Justice, Email : info@e-justice.tn • M. Khaled Nouri , Ministre de l’Intérieur, Email : boc@interieur.gov.tn • M. Sabri Bachtobji, Ambassadeur, Représentant permanent de la Tunisie auprès des Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, Email : at.geneve@diplomatie.gov.tn • M. Sahbi Khalfallah, Ambassadeur, Ambassade de la Tunisie à Bruxelles, Belgique, Email : at.belgique@diplomatie.gov.tn Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques de Tunisie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 Mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> Saadia Mosbah, défenseure des droits humains tunisienne, militante antiraciste et présidente de l’association M’nemty, engagée contre les discriminations raciales et pour les droits des personnes en déplacement en Tunisie. Elle a notamment contribué aux mobilisations ayant conduit à l’adoption en 2018 d’une loi tunisienne criminalisant les discriminations raciales. Le 12 mars 2026, Mme Saadia Mosbah a comparu devant la chambre criminelle du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, dans le cadre d’une affaire dans laquelle elle est poursuivie pour blanchiment d’argent en vertu de la loi n°26 de 2015 relative à la lutte contre le terrorisme et le blanchiment d’argent, pour enrichissement illicite et constitution d’une entente criminelle en lien avec les activités de l’association M’nemty, qu’elle préside. Lors de cette audience, ses avocat·es et ses proches ont demandé sa libération, dénonçant un « dossier vide et sans preuves ». Selon sa défense, l’état de santé de Mme Mosbah s’est fortement dégradé au cours de sa détention prolongée. La juridiction a toutefois rejeté sa demande de remise en liberté, et a fixé la prochaine audience au 19 mars 2026 afin d’examiner l’affaire sur le fond. Le 6 mai 2024, les autorités tunisiennes ont arrêté Mme Saadia Mosbah à son domicile dans le cadre d’une enquête judiciaire visant l’association M’nemty. L’enquête porte notamment sur les financements reçus par M’nemty dans le cadre de ses activités de soutien aux personnes en déplacement et de lutte contre les discriminations raciales. Le lendemain de cette arrestation, le 7 mai, les forces de l’ordre ont perquisitionné le siège de l’association M’nemty ainsi que le domicile de Mme Mosbah à Tunis. À l’issue de cette opération, les autorités ont placé la défenseure en détention provisoire à la prison pour femmes de Manouba, au nord du pays. Plusieurs membres de l’association ont également été convoqué·es, interrogé·es puis poursuivi·es pour les mêmes accusations par les autorités judiciaires dans les jours et semaines qui ont suivi, sans être incarcéré·es. Au cours des mois qui ont suivi l’arrestation de Mme Mosbah, le parquet près le tribunal de première instance de Tunis a prolongé à plusieurs reprises sa détention provisoire. En mars 2025, un rapport d’expertise comptable versé au dossier a conclu que les financements de l’association M’nemty étaient légaux, transparents et de faible ampleur, ce qui contredit les accusations de blanchiment d’argent portées contre Mme Mosbah. Malgré ces conclusions, les poursuites ont été maintenues. Le 22 décembre 2025, le procès de Mme Saadia Mosbah s’était ouvert devant la chambre criminelle du tribunal de première instance de Tunis, où plusieurs dizaines de personnes se sont rassemblées pour demander sa libération. Plusieurs membres de l’association M’nemty, également poursuivi·es, comparaissaient libres. Depuis le début de sa détention, Mme Mosbah a également dénoncé des conditions de détention difficiles. Transférée de la prison pour femmes de Manouba vers celle de Béni Khalled, dans le gouvernorat de Nabeul, elle a signalé dans des lettres rendues publiques en septembre et octobre 2025 des difficultés d’accès à l’eau potable, des restrictions concernant la réception de livres ainsi que des limitations dans les visites familiales. L’Observatoire rappelle qu’en février 2023, le président tunisien Kaïs Saïed a prononcé un discours dénonçant l’arrivée de personnes migrantes d’Afrique subsaharienne et évoquant un prétendu complot visant à modifier la composition démographique du pays. L’arrestation de Mme Mosbah est intervenue dans ce contexte de campagnes de diffamation et de harcèlement visant l’association M’nemty et plusieurs de ses membres sur les réseaux sociaux, accusant notamment l’organisation de participer à ce prétendu complot. L’Observatoire rappelle également que les poursuites visant Mme Mosbah s’inscrivent dans un contexte de répression croissante de la société civile en Tunisie, marqué par des poursuites judiciaires contre des défenseur·es des droits humains, des campagnes de dénigrement dans les médias et des restrictions visant les organisations travaillant sur les questions migratoires. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face au maintien en détention de Mme Saadia Mosbah depuis près de deux ans et considère que les poursuites engagées contre elle semblent viser à entraver ses activités légitimes de défense des droits humains, notamment son engagement contre le racisme et pour la défense des droits des personnes en déplacement. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités tunisiennes à libérer immédiatement Mme Mosbah et note également que ces conditions de détention, compte tenu notamment de son âge (66 ans) et des préoccupations relatives à son état de santé, pourraient constituer des traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants contraires aux obligations internationales de la Tunisie, notamment de l’article 7 et de l’article 10 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques, ainsi que de l’article 16 de la Convention des Nations unies contre la torture. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités tunisiennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique de Saadia Mosbah et de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Tunisie, et garantir son accès à des soins adéquats et aux visites ; Libérer immédiatement et de manière inconditionnelle Saadia Mosbah et tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains arbitrairement détenu·es pour leur travail légitime de défense des droits humains ; Mettre un terme à tout acte de harcèlement, y compris au niveau judiciaire, à l’encontre de Saadia Mosbah ainsi que de tou·tes les défenseur·es des droits humains ; Garantir le respect effectif du droit à un procès équitable pour Saadia Mosbah et l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains et détenu·e·s en Tunisie ; et Cesser de cibler les défenseur.es et les organisations de droits humains, les journalistes et les médias en Tunisie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles. Adresses : • M. Kaïs Saïed, Président de la République, Email : contact@carthage.tn ; X : @TnPresidency • Mme Sarra Zaafrani Zanzri, Cheffe de gouvernement, Email : boc@pm.gov.tn ; X : @TunisiaPM • Mme Leila Jaffel, Ministre de la Justice, Email : info@e-justice.tn • M. Khaled Nouri , Ministre de l’Intérieur, Email : boc@interieur.gov.tn • M. Sabri Bachtobji, Ambassadeur, Représentant permanent de la Tunisie auprès des Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, Email : at.geneve@diplomatie.gov.tn • M. Sahbi Khalfallah, Ambassadeur, Ambassade de la Tunisie à Bruxelles, Belgique, Email : at.belgique@diplomatie.gov.tn Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques de Tunisie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 Mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/turkey-urgent-call-to-un-special-rapporteurs-to-address-the-prosecution-and-conviction-of-lawyers-and-human-rights-defenders-in-turkey/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 16:13:06 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24539 Paris-Geneva-Ankara, 11 March 2026. In a joint letter addressed to several UN Special Rapporteurs, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), along with other organisations, raise concerns over the prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with ÖHD and TUAD in Turkey.   FOR THE ATTENTION OF: • Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression • Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association • Special Rapporteur on minority issues URGENT ACTION: Prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders who are members of Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) on 28 January 2026 in Türkiye.   Dear Mandate Holders, 1. We write to express our deep and urgent concern regarding the prosecution, conviction and sentencing of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) following a decade-long trial before the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court. 2. On 28 January 2026, in proceedings dating back to 2016, the trial court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders, on terrorism-related and expression-based charges, imposing lengthy prison sentences. The prosecutions and resulting convictions appear to be based predominantly on lawyers’ lawful professional conduct - including prison visits, contact with clients, legal correspondence, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - rather than any credible evidence of criminal conduct. These mirror prior patterns of targeting lawyers for their professional activities. TUAD activists were likewise targeted solely for their legitimate human rights work, including documenting prison conditions, publicly reporting on human rights violations, and advocating for the protection of prisoners’ health and dignity, activities that fall within the protected scope of human rights defence. 3. The convictions follow proceedings marked by serious due process concerns, including extensive reliance on surveillance evidence obtained through wiretapping and technical monitoring measures authorised by judges who were later dismissed or prosecuted in connection with alleged links to the Gülenist organisation, as well as the routine rejection of defence challenges without reasoned judicial assessment. These practices raise serious concerns regarding compliance with international standards protecting the professional independence of lawyers and the lawful activities of human rights defenders. 4. In light of the gravity of these concerns, we respectfully request your urgent intervention. We urge you to call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and to terminate all criminal proceedings against the lawyers and human rights defenders concerned, in accordance with international human rights standards, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). We further invite you to urge the authorities to cease all forms of judicial harassment and undue interference with the legal profession and with human rights defence, and to ensure that lawyers and human rights defenders can carry out their lawful activities freely, independently, and without fear of reprisal. BACKGROUND AND SYSTEMIC CONTEXT 5. Since the attempted coup of July 2016, Türkiye has experienced a sustained deterioration of the rule of law and judicial independence, accompanied by widespread persecution of lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society actors. Under the pretext of counterterrorism, the authorities have systematically targeted members of the legal profession and civil society through arbitrary arrests, prolonged pre-trial detention, and criminal prosecutions based on vague and overly broad terrorism provisions, particularly Articles 314 and 220 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and Article 7(2) of the Law on Anti-Terrorism. These measures have been repeatedly criticised by international bodies for their lack of foreseeability, their misuse against lawful expression and association, and their chilling effect on the exercise of fundamental rights. 6. This pattern has been facilitated by profound structural damage to judicial independence, including the mass dismissal and replacement of judges and prosecutors, expanded executive control over judicial appointments, and the routine disregard by domestic courts of binding judgments of the ECtHR. As documented by UN mechanisms and regional bodies, these developments have enabled the instrumentalization of criminal law against lawyers and human rights defenders perceived as critical of state policies, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, political opposition, prison conditions, and allegations of torture and ill-treatment. 7. For instance, in March 2019 the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court sentenced 18 lawyers to a combined total of 159 years, 1 month, and 30 days in prison on terrorism-related charges linked to the outlawed Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party–Front (DHKP-C). The defendants included lawyers from the People’s Law Office (HHB) and the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD), many of whom had been providing legal representation in politically sensitive cases. Human rights organisations and bar associations condemned the verdicts as unjust and politically motivated, stressing that the convictions were based on lawyers’ professional activities rather than any demonstrable criminal conduct. They further warned that the proceedings reflected serious due process violations, political interference in the judiciary, and the systematic criminalisation of legal defence work, undermining the independence of the legal profession in Türkiye. 8. Another illustrative example of the criminalisation of legal defence work took place in Ankara in 2017. In June of that year, 52 lawyers were charged with “membership of a terrorist organisation” under Article 314 of the TPC. The prosecution alleged that their professional association, the Law and Life Association, formed part of the Gülen organisation, despite a police report finding no evidence of criminal activity. The indictment relied on routine legal activities such as assigning cases, representing clients linked to the Gülenist organisation, and making public statements on due process as purported proof of “aiding terrorism”. Human Rights Watch condemned the proceedings, warning that treating legal representation as evidence of criminality “threatens the very core of fair trial rights” and undermines the independence of the legal profession. 9. According to reports, more than 1,500 lawyers have been prosecuted in Türkiye since 2016, hundreds have been detained, and many have received lengthy prison sentences. These prosecutions frequently rely on evidence obtained from lawyers’ professional activities, including prison visits, client communications, participation in hearings, and public advocacy on human rights and rule of law. 10. These concerns are reflected in reporting by international media and civil society organisations concerning large-scale police operations carried out in April 2023 in Diyarbakır and other predominantly Kurdish southeastern provinces. According to media reports, Turkish police detained more than 100 individuals - including lawyers, journalists, political actors and civil society representatives - in coordinated raids targeting organisations allegedly linked to the PKK. Reports indicated that the raids involved searches of lawyers’ offices, media outlets and NGO premises, and that the total number of detainees may have reached approximately 150. 11. A series of other ongoing cases further illustrates the entrenched and continuing nature of these practices. In the context of the Gezi Park proceedings, domestic courts have repeatedly refused to give effect to binding ECtHR judgments requesting the release of human rights defender Osman Kavala. Trial courts and the Court of Cassation repeatedly failed to give effect to multiple rulings of the Constitutional Court ordering the release of opposition MP Can Atalay on the basis of his parliamentary immunity and have continued to detain Gezi Park co-defendant Tayfun Kahraman despite a Constitutional Court judgment finding violations of his rights. 12. Parallel concerns arise in relation to the continued imprisonment of human rights lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı, following the arbitrary and punitive refusal of his conditional release. In late 2024, the authorities also initiated criminal and civil proceedings against the leadership of the Istanbul Bar Association in response to a public statement addressing alleged human rights violations in Syria attributed to Turkish security forces. Earlier, in October 2022, prominent forensic expert and human rights defender Şebnem Korur (Fincancı) was detained and prosecuted for her professional assessment on the allegations concerning the use of chemical weapons in Iraqi Kurdistan by Turkish military forces. Although she was released after a period of detention, she was subsequently convicted on charge of “propaganda for a terrorist organisation”, in proceedings later criticised by UN experts as incompatible with international standards. 13. International human rights monitoring mechanisms has further highlighted the systemic nature of these practices. In its concluding observations adopted in November 2024, the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) expressed serious concern about persecution, harassment, intimidation, and reprisals against human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, Kurdish activists, environmental defenders, opposition politicians, academics, and civil society members perceived as critical of the government. The Committee also raised alarm over the alleged use of arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions to suppress dissent, noting that this climate of intimidation has forced some organisations to close or curtail their activities and has driven many individuals into self-censorship or self-imposed exile. CONVICTION OF ÖHD LAWYERS AND MEMBERS AND ACTIVISTS FROM TUAD 14. On 28 January 2026, the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court delivered its judgment in a criminal case initiated in 2016 against lawyers affiliated with the ÖHD, members and staff of the TUAD. At the conclusion of nearly ten years of proceedings, the court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders on terrorism-related and expression-based charges and imposed custodial sentences ranging from several months to multiple years of imprisonment. The convictions concerned 10 ÖHD lawyers and 20 TUAD members, while a limited number of co-defendants were acquitted15. Among the convicted lawyers were Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan. The convictions were based on Article 314(2) of the TPC (“membership of an armed organisation”), Article 7(2) of the Anti-Terrorism Law (“propaganda”), and, in one instance, Article 299 of the TPC (“insult to the President”).13Custodial sentences imposed on the lawyers ranged from 1 year and 3 months to 7 years and 6 months, with several lawyers receiving multiple cumulative sentences under different provisions. The remaining convictions concerned TUAD members or those affiliated with the organisation. 16. The conduct relied upon by the prosecution and the trial court as evidence of criminal liability consisted of lawful professional and human rights activities. In the case of the ÖHD lawyers, this included prison visits, confidential communications with clients, legal correspondence, participation in court hearings, trial monitoring, public statements, and professional coordination with colleagues. In the case of TUAD members, the evidence related to activities such as documenting prison conditions, monitoring prisoners’ health - particularly during hunger strikes - issuing public statements on rights violations and providing support to prisoners’ families. None of these acts involved incitement to violence, coercion, or participation in unlawful conduct. 17. According to reports, the prosecution was built almost exclusively on unlawfully obtained surveillance material, including wiretapping and technical monitoring measures extended over prolonged periods in breach of procedural safeguards, as well as recordings obtained from within TUAD premises and during lawyer–client meetings in prisons. Defence requests to exclude this evidence were repeatedly rejected, notwithstanding that several of the surveillance authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. 18. Throughout the trial, defence lawyers raised serious and persistent concerns regarding violations of fair trial guarantees. These included the reliance on intelligence material disconnected from any criminal act, the absence of an individualised assessment of each defendant’s conduct, the conflation of lawful association membership with criminal liability, and severe restrictions on the defence’s ability to effectively challenge evidence. The length of the proceedings, combined with the mechanical attribution of liability based on professional or associative ties, deprived the defendants of a genuine opportunity to contest the accusations against them. 19. The convictions of TUAD members and affiliates further raise grave concerns regarding the criminalisation of human rights defenders’ work. TUAD’s activities - focused on prison monitoring, prevention of ill-treatment, and advocacy for prisoners’ rights - fall directly within the protected sphere of human rights defence under international law. Prosecuting and sentencing individuals for such activities not only violates their individual rights to freedom of expression and association, but also undermines independent oversight of detention conditions, increasing the risk of torture and ill-treatment and weakening safeguards for some of the most vulnerable individuals in custody. 20. Taken together these violations take place within a broader context of weakened judicial safeguards, increasing executive influence over the courts, and restricted access to case files. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect a broader pattern of judicial harassment aimed at silencing lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in sensitive work, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, detention, and allegations of state abuse. These practices have a profound chilling effect on the legal profession and civil society, deter lawyers from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, and erode access to justice for detainees. They are incompatible with international standards governing the role and protection of lawyers and human rights defenders, as discussed in the section below. TURKEY’S OBLIGATION UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Rights of Lawyers and Rule of Law 21. Under international and regional human rights law, the rights of lawyers - including their rights to liberty and security, freedom of expression and association, and the independent exercise of their profession - are protected by a coherent body of standards. These include the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990), paragraph 7 of UN Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2004/33, Recommendation No. (2000)21 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the freedom of exercise of the profession of lawyer, and, most recently, the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer. Taken together, these instruments recognise the legal profession as a cornerstone of the administration of justice and an indispensable safeguard for the rule of law. 22. The Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers affirm that lawyers are entitled to enjoy the rights and freedoms guaranteed under international human rights law insofar as they relate to their professional functions. Principle 16 obliges States to ensure that lawyers are able to perform their duties “without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference”, and without being subjected to sanctions or prosecution for actions taken in accordance with recognised professional duties and standards. Principle 23 further guarantees lawyers’ rights to freedom of expression, opinion, and association, including the right to participate in public debate on matters concerning the law, the administration of justice, and the promotion and protection of human rights, without suffering professional or criminal repercussions. 23. These guarantees are reinforced and developed at the regional level by the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer, which was adopted in response to increasing reports of harassment, criminalisation, and undue interference with lawyers’ professional activities in Council of Europe member States, including Türkiye. The Convention affirms States’ obligations to protect lawyers from identification with their clients or causes, to safeguard the confidentiality of lawyer–client communications, and to ensure that lawyers are not subjected to criminal, civil, or administrative sanctions for carrying out their professional duties in accordance with the law and professional standards. It further emphasises that attacks on the legal profession undermine access to justice and the effective protection of human rights. 24. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers for routine professional activities - including client representation, prison visits, confidential communications, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - constitute a direct violation of these standards. By treating lawful legal work and expression as evidence of criminal liability, the authorities have interfered with lawyers’ freedom of expression and association, undermined their professional independence, and breached Articles 14 and 19 of the ICCPR, as well as Article 6 of the ECHR. Such measures not only punish individual lawyers but also deter others from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, thereby denying current and future defendants’ effective access to legal representation. B. Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Legitimate Civil Society Activity 25. TUAD members and activists fall within the definition of human rights defenders, as their activities are directed at the protection of the rights of prisoners and their families, including through prison monitoring, documentation of detention conditions, public reporting, and advocacy aimed at preventing abuse and safeguarding human dignity. These activities are expressly protected under international human rights law, including the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders”). 26. Article 9 of the Declaration affirms the right of everyone to “offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms”, while Article 11 obliges States to ensure the right to the lawful exercise of one’s occupation or profession. Articles 5 and 6 further protect the rights of human rights defenders to form associations, to communicate with the public and international bodies, and to disseminate information on human rights issues. These guarantees are reinforced by Article 12 of the Declaration, which requires States to take all necessary measures to protect human rights defenders against intimidation, harassment, retaliation, and other arbitrary actions arising from their legitimate activities. They are further underpinned by Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the ICCPR and Articles 10 and 11 of the ECHR which protect freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. 27. The prosecution and conviction of TUAD members for activities such as documenting prison conditions, supporting prisoners’ families, issuing public statements, and advocating for prisoners’ rights therefore constitute a clear violation of Türkiye’s obligations under international law. Criminalising such conduct not only interferes with the individual rights of the defenders concerned but also undermines independent oversight of places of detention and weakens safeguards against abuse. These measures are incompatible with the State’s duty to create a safe and enabling environment in which human rights defenders can operate freely, without intimidation, harassment, or fear of criminal sanction. 28. Taken together, the prosecution and convictions of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation to suppress lawful professional and human rights activities. This practice represents a serious breach of Türkiye’s international obligations, erodes the rule of law, and contributes to a climate in which legal defence and human rights work are treated as illegitimate or criminalised, rather than recognised as essential components of a democratic society. ACTIONS REQUESTED 29. In light of the above, we respectfully request that the Special Rapporteurs take the following urgent actions: (a) Call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and sentences imposed on ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members and to ensure their immediate acquittal, including in respect of the lawyers Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan; (b) Seek detailed information from the Government of Türkiye regarding the use of surveillance and intelligence evidence authorised by judicial officials who were later dismissed or convicted, and its compatibility with international fair trial standards, including safeguards relating to legality, necessity, proportionality, and effective judicial scrutiny; (c) Urge the authorities to end all forms of harassment, including judicial harassment, against the individuals concerned and against lawyers and human rights defenders more broadly, and to guarantee that they are able to carry out their professional and lawful activities freely, independently, and without intimidation or improper interference; (d) Raise, as a matter of priority, concerns regarding the criminalisation of legal defence work and prisoners’ rights advocacy, including through joint communications, given the cross-cutting implications for judicial independence, freedom of expression and association, and the protection of human rights defenders; (e) Call on the authorities to immediately cease the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation and related criminal provisions against lawyers and human rights defenders who expose, document, or challenge human rights violations, including those committed by security forces; (f) Urge Türkiye to take concrete measures, in law and in practice, to safeguard judicial independence, prevent undue interference with judges, prosecutors, and lawyers, and ensure compliance with binding judgments of the ECtHR; (g) Remind the Government of Türkiye of its binding international obligations, including under the ICCPR, the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, and relevant Council of Europe standards, and of its duty to ensure that criminal, administrative, or counter-terrorism measures are not used as tools of retaliation against lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in politically sensitive or human rights-related work. 30. We would be grateful to be informed of any action taken on this communication and of any response received from the Turkish authorities, and we kindly request acknowledgment of receipt of this submission. Signatories Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (Conseil des Barreaux Européens, CCBE) European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH) Human Rights Association (İnsan Hakları Derneği, IHD) Human Rights Fundation of Turkey (Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, TİHV) International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders International Observatory of Lawyers at Risk (OIAD) Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC) Rights Initiative Association (Hak İnsiyatifi Derneği) Social Policy, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Association (SPoD) The Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW) Truth Justice Memory Center (Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi) World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders]]> Paris-Geneva-Ankara, 11 March 2026. In a joint letter addressed to several UN Special Rapporteurs, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), along with other organisations, raise concerns over the prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with ÖHD and TUAD in Turkey.   FOR THE ATTENTION OF: • Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression • Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association • Special Rapporteur on minority issues URGENT ACTION: Prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders who are members of Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) on 28 January 2026 in Türkiye.   Dear Mandate Holders, 1. We write to express our deep and urgent concern regarding the prosecution, conviction and sentencing of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) following a decade-long trial before the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court. 2. On 28 January 2026, in proceedings dating back to 2016, the trial court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders, on terrorism-related and expression-based charges, imposing lengthy prison sentences. The prosecutions and resulting convictions appear to be based predominantly on lawyers’ lawful professional conduct - including prison visits, contact with clients, legal correspondence, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - rather than any credible evidence of criminal conduct. These mirror prior patterns of targeting lawyers for their professional activities. TUAD activists were likewise targeted solely for their legitimate human rights work, including documenting prison conditions, publicly reporting on human rights violations, and advocating for the protection of prisoners’ health and dignity, activities that fall within the protected scope of human rights defence. 3. The convictions follow proceedings marked by serious due process concerns, including extensive reliance on surveillance evidence obtained through wiretapping and technical monitoring measures authorised by judges who were later dismissed or prosecuted in connection with alleged links to the Gülenist organisation, as well as the routine rejection of defence challenges without reasoned judicial assessment. These practices raise serious concerns regarding compliance with international standards protecting the professional independence of lawyers and the lawful activities of human rights defenders. 4. In light of the gravity of these concerns, we respectfully request your urgent intervention. We urge you to call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and to terminate all criminal proceedings against the lawyers and human rights defenders concerned, in accordance with international human rights standards, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). We further invite you to urge the authorities to cease all forms of judicial harassment and undue interference with the legal profession and with human rights defence, and to ensure that lawyers and human rights defenders can carry out their lawful activities freely, independently, and without fear of reprisal. BACKGROUND AND SYSTEMIC CONTEXT 5. Since the attempted coup of July 2016, Türkiye has experienced a sustained deterioration of the rule of law and judicial independence, accompanied by widespread persecution of lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society actors. Under the pretext of counterterrorism, the authorities have systematically targeted members of the legal profession and civil society through arbitrary arrests, prolonged pre-trial detention, and criminal prosecutions based on vague and overly broad terrorism provisions, particularly Articles 314 and 220 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and Article 7(2) of the Law on Anti-Terrorism. These measures have been repeatedly criticised by international bodies for their lack of foreseeability, their misuse against lawful expression and association, and their chilling effect on the exercise of fundamental rights. 6. This pattern has been facilitated by profound structural damage to judicial independence, including the mass dismissal and replacement of judges and prosecutors, expanded executive control over judicial appointments, and the routine disregard by domestic courts of binding judgments of the ECtHR. As documented by UN mechanisms and regional bodies, these developments have enabled the instrumentalization of criminal law against lawyers and human rights defenders perceived as critical of state policies, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, political opposition, prison conditions, and allegations of torture and ill-treatment. 7. For instance, in March 2019 the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court sentenced 18 lawyers to a combined total of 159 years, 1 month, and 30 days in prison on terrorism-related charges linked to the outlawed Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party–Front (DHKP-C). The defendants included lawyers from the People’s Law Office (HHB) and the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD), many of whom had been providing legal representation in politically sensitive cases. Human rights organisations and bar associations condemned the verdicts as unjust and politically motivated, stressing that the convictions were based on lawyers’ professional activities rather than any demonstrable criminal conduct. They further warned that the proceedings reflected serious due process violations, political interference in the judiciary, and the systematic criminalisation of legal defence work, undermining the independence of the legal profession in Türkiye. 8. Another illustrative example of the criminalisation of legal defence work took place in Ankara in 2017. In June of that year, 52 lawyers were charged with “membership of a terrorist organisation” under Article 314 of the TPC. The prosecution alleged that their professional association, the Law and Life Association, formed part of the Gülen organisation, despite a police report finding no evidence of criminal activity. The indictment relied on routine legal activities such as assigning cases, representing clients linked to the Gülenist organisation, and making public statements on due process as purported proof of “aiding terrorism”. Human Rights Watch condemned the proceedings, warning that treating legal representation as evidence of criminality “threatens the very core of fair trial rights” and undermines the independence of the legal profession. 9. According to reports, more than 1,500 lawyers have been prosecuted in Türkiye since 2016, hundreds have been detained, and many have received lengthy prison sentences. These prosecutions frequently rely on evidence obtained from lawyers’ professional activities, including prison visits, client communications, participation in hearings, and public advocacy on human rights and rule of law. 10. These concerns are reflected in reporting by international media and civil society organisations concerning large-scale police operations carried out in April 2023 in Diyarbakır and other predominantly Kurdish southeastern provinces. According to media reports, Turkish police detained more than 100 individuals - including lawyers, journalists, political actors and civil society representatives - in coordinated raids targeting organisations allegedly linked to the PKK. Reports indicated that the raids involved searches of lawyers’ offices, media outlets and NGO premises, and that the total number of detainees may have reached approximately 150. 11. A series of other ongoing cases further illustrates the entrenched and continuing nature of these practices. In the context of the Gezi Park proceedings, domestic courts have repeatedly refused to give effect to binding ECtHR judgments requesting the release of human rights defender Osman Kavala. Trial courts and the Court of Cassation repeatedly failed to give effect to multiple rulings of the Constitutional Court ordering the release of opposition MP Can Atalay on the basis of his parliamentary immunity and have continued to detain Gezi Park co-defendant Tayfun Kahraman despite a Constitutional Court judgment finding violations of his rights. 12. Parallel concerns arise in relation to the continued imprisonment of human rights lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı, following the arbitrary and punitive refusal of his conditional release. In late 2024, the authorities also initiated criminal and civil proceedings against the leadership of the Istanbul Bar Association in response to a public statement addressing alleged human rights violations in Syria attributed to Turkish security forces. Earlier, in October 2022, prominent forensic expert and human rights defender Şebnem Korur (Fincancı) was detained and prosecuted for her professional assessment on the allegations concerning the use of chemical weapons in Iraqi Kurdistan by Turkish military forces. Although she was released after a period of detention, she was subsequently convicted on charge of “propaganda for a terrorist organisation”, in proceedings later criticised by UN experts as incompatible with international standards. 13. International human rights monitoring mechanisms has further highlighted the systemic nature of these practices. In its concluding observations adopted in November 2024, the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) expressed serious concern about persecution, harassment, intimidation, and reprisals against human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, Kurdish activists, environmental defenders, opposition politicians, academics, and civil society members perceived as critical of the government. The Committee also raised alarm over the alleged use of arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions to suppress dissent, noting that this climate of intimidation has forced some organisations to close or curtail their activities and has driven many individuals into self-censorship or self-imposed exile. CONVICTION OF ÖHD LAWYERS AND MEMBERS AND ACTIVISTS FROM TUAD 14. On 28 January 2026, the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court delivered its judgment in a criminal case initiated in 2016 against lawyers affiliated with the ÖHD, members and staff of the TUAD. At the conclusion of nearly ten years of proceedings, the court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders on terrorism-related and expression-based charges and imposed custodial sentences ranging from several months to multiple years of imprisonment. The convictions concerned 10 ÖHD lawyers and 20 TUAD members, while a limited number of co-defendants were acquitted15. Among the convicted lawyers were Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan. The convictions were based on Article 314(2) of the TPC (“membership of an armed organisation”), Article 7(2) of the Anti-Terrorism Law (“propaganda”), and, in one instance, Article 299 of the TPC (“insult to the President”).13Custodial sentences imposed on the lawyers ranged from 1 year and 3 months to 7 years and 6 months, with several lawyers receiving multiple cumulative sentences under different provisions. The remaining convictions concerned TUAD members or those affiliated with the organisation. 16. The conduct relied upon by the prosecution and the trial court as evidence of criminal liability consisted of lawful professional and human rights activities. In the case of the ÖHD lawyers, this included prison visits, confidential communications with clients, legal correspondence, participation in court hearings, trial monitoring, public statements, and professional coordination with colleagues. In the case of TUAD members, the evidence related to activities such as documenting prison conditions, monitoring prisoners’ health - particularly during hunger strikes - issuing public statements on rights violations and providing support to prisoners’ families. None of these acts involved incitement to violence, coercion, or participation in unlawful conduct. 17. According to reports, the prosecution was built almost exclusively on unlawfully obtained surveillance material, including wiretapping and technical monitoring measures extended over prolonged periods in breach of procedural safeguards, as well as recordings obtained from within TUAD premises and during lawyer–client meetings in prisons. Defence requests to exclude this evidence were repeatedly rejected, notwithstanding that several of the surveillance authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. 18. Throughout the trial, defence lawyers raised serious and persistent concerns regarding violations of fair trial guarantees. These included the reliance on intelligence material disconnected from any criminal act, the absence of an individualised assessment of each defendant’s conduct, the conflation of lawful association membership with criminal liability, and severe restrictions on the defence’s ability to effectively challenge evidence. The length of the proceedings, combined with the mechanical attribution of liability based on professional or associative ties, deprived the defendants of a genuine opportunity to contest the accusations against them. 19. The convictions of TUAD members and affiliates further raise grave concerns regarding the criminalisation of human rights defenders’ work. TUAD’s activities - focused on prison monitoring, prevention of ill-treatment, and advocacy for prisoners’ rights - fall directly within the protected sphere of human rights defence under international law. Prosecuting and sentencing individuals for such activities not only violates their individual rights to freedom of expression and association, but also undermines independent oversight of detention conditions, increasing the risk of torture and ill-treatment and weakening safeguards for some of the most vulnerable individuals in custody. 20. Taken together these violations take place within a broader context of weakened judicial safeguards, increasing executive influence over the courts, and restricted access to case files. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect a broader pattern of judicial harassment aimed at silencing lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in sensitive work, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, detention, and allegations of state abuse. These practices have a profound chilling effect on the legal profession and civil society, deter lawyers from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, and erode access to justice for detainees. They are incompatible with international standards governing the role and protection of lawyers and human rights defenders, as discussed in the section below. TURKEY’S OBLIGATION UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Rights of Lawyers and Rule of Law 21. Under international and regional human rights law, the rights of lawyers - including their rights to liberty and security, freedom of expression and association, and the independent exercise of their profession - are protected by a coherent body of standards. These include the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990), paragraph 7 of UN Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2004/33, Recommendation No. (2000)21 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the freedom of exercise of the profession of lawyer, and, most recently, the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer. Taken together, these instruments recognise the legal profession as a cornerstone of the administration of justice and an indispensable safeguard for the rule of law. 22. The Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers affirm that lawyers are entitled to enjoy the rights and freedoms guaranteed under international human rights law insofar as they relate to their professional functions. Principle 16 obliges States to ensure that lawyers are able to perform their duties “without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference”, and without being subjected to sanctions or prosecution for actions taken in accordance with recognised professional duties and standards. Principle 23 further guarantees lawyers’ rights to freedom of expression, opinion, and association, including the right to participate in public debate on matters concerning the law, the administration of justice, and the promotion and protection of human rights, without suffering professional or criminal repercussions. 23. These guarantees are reinforced and developed at the regional level by the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer, which was adopted in response to increasing reports of harassment, criminalisation, and undue interference with lawyers’ professional activities in Council of Europe member States, including Türkiye. The Convention affirms States’ obligations to protect lawyers from identification with their clients or causes, to safeguard the confidentiality of lawyer–client communications, and to ensure that lawyers are not subjected to criminal, civil, or administrative sanctions for carrying out their professional duties in accordance with the law and professional standards. It further emphasises that attacks on the legal profession undermine access to justice and the effective protection of human rights. 24. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers for routine professional activities - including client representation, prison visits, confidential communications, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - constitute a direct violation of these standards. By treating lawful legal work and expression as evidence of criminal liability, the authorities have interfered with lawyers’ freedom of expression and association, undermined their professional independence, and breached Articles 14 and 19 of the ICCPR, as well as Article 6 of the ECHR. Such measures not only punish individual lawyers but also deter others from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, thereby denying current and future defendants’ effective access to legal representation. B. Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Legitimate Civil Society Activity 25. TUAD members and activists fall within the definition of human rights defenders, as their activities are directed at the protection of the rights of prisoners and their families, including through prison monitoring, documentation of detention conditions, public reporting, and advocacy aimed at preventing abuse and safeguarding human dignity. These activities are expressly protected under international human rights law, including the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders”). 26. Article 9 of the Declaration affirms the right of everyone to “offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms”, while Article 11 obliges States to ensure the right to the lawful exercise of one’s occupation or profession. Articles 5 and 6 further protect the rights of human rights defenders to form associations, to communicate with the public and international bodies, and to disseminate information on human rights issues. These guarantees are reinforced by Article 12 of the Declaration, which requires States to take all necessary measures to protect human rights defenders against intimidation, harassment, retaliation, and other arbitrary actions arising from their legitimate activities. They are further underpinned by Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the ICCPR and Articles 10 and 11 of the ECHR which protect freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. 27. The prosecution and conviction of TUAD members for activities such as documenting prison conditions, supporting prisoners’ families, issuing public statements, and advocating for prisoners’ rights therefore constitute a clear violation of Türkiye’s obligations under international law. Criminalising such conduct not only interferes with the individual rights of the defenders concerned but also undermines independent oversight of places of detention and weakens safeguards against abuse. These measures are incompatible with the State’s duty to create a safe and enabling environment in which human rights defenders can operate freely, without intimidation, harassment, or fear of criminal sanction. 28. Taken together, the prosecution and convictions of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation to suppress lawful professional and human rights activities. This practice represents a serious breach of Türkiye’s international obligations, erodes the rule of law, and contributes to a climate in which legal defence and human rights work are treated as illegitimate or criminalised, rather than recognised as essential components of a democratic society. ACTIONS REQUESTED 29. In light of the above, we respectfully request that the Special Rapporteurs take the following urgent actions: (a) Call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and sentences imposed on ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members and to ensure their immediate acquittal, including in respect of the lawyers Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan; (b) Seek detailed information from the Government of Türkiye regarding the use of surveillance and intelligence evidence authorised by judicial officials who were later dismissed or convicted, and its compatibility with international fair trial standards, including safeguards relating to legality, necessity, proportionality, and effective judicial scrutiny; (c) Urge the authorities to end all forms of harassment, including judicial harassment, against the individuals concerned and against lawyers and human rights defenders more broadly, and to guarantee that they are able to carry out their professional and lawful activities freely, independently, and without intimidation or improper interference; (d) Raise, as a matter of priority, concerns regarding the criminalisation of legal defence work and prisoners’ rights advocacy, including through joint communications, given the cross-cutting implications for judicial independence, freedom of expression and association, and the protection of human rights defenders; (e) Call on the authorities to immediately cease the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation and related criminal provisions against lawyers and human rights defenders who expose, document, or challenge human rights violations, including those committed by security forces; (f) Urge Türkiye to take concrete measures, in law and in practice, to safeguard judicial independence, prevent undue interference with judges, prosecutors, and lawyers, and ensure compliance with binding judgments of the ECtHR; (g) Remind the Government of Türkiye of its binding international obligations, including under the ICCPR, the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, and relevant Council of Europe standards, and of its duty to ensure that criminal, administrative, or counter-terrorism measures are not used as tools of retaliation against lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in politically sensitive or human rights-related work. 30. We would be grateful to be informed of any action taken on this communication and of any response received from the Turkish authorities, and we kindly request acknowledgment of receipt of this submission. Signatories Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (Conseil des Barreaux Européens, CCBE) European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH) Human Rights Association (İnsan Hakları Derneği, IHD) Human Rights Fundation of Turkey (Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, TİHV) International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders International Observatory of Lawyers at Risk (OIAD) Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC) Rights Initiative Association (Hak İnsiyatifi Derneği) Social Policy, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Association (SPoD) The Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW) Truth Justice Memory Center (Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi) World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/china-released-tibetan-environmental-defender-anya-sengdra-subjected-to-ongoing-harassment/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 13:45:51 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24469 Paris-Geneva, 25 February 2026. Anya Sengdra, Tibetan nomad and prominent community leader from Gade County in the Tibetan region of Golog (Qinghai Province) was originally due for release on 3 September 2025. However, Chinese authorities failed to free him on that date and instead imposed a one-year extension of his sentence reportedly on the grounds of alleged “prison rule violations” for theft, without any official announcement or transparent judicial procedure. This unlawful extension constituted an arbitrary detention in total violation of international human rights, including the fundamental right to liberty and the right to a fair trial. On 6 December 2019, the Gade County Court sentenced Anya Sengdra to seven years’ imprisonment on charges of “provoking troubles, forming a mob to disturb public order, and other malicious acts” under Article 293 of China’s Criminal Law for his peaceful environmental and anti-corruption activities. Through the grassroots initiative “Mangdon Ling” (“Public Affairs Forum”), he campaigned against illegal mining, poaching of endangered species, and the misappropriation of public funds by local officials for relocated Tibetan nomads. In the early stages of his detention, Anya Sengdra was beaten by officers of the Gade County Public Security Bureau and denied access to legal counsel for 48 days. He was also subjected to years of restricted family visits. Deprived of adequate medical care, his health severely deteriorated in prison, leading to vision loss, kidney disease, and high blood pressure. Although he has now returned to his home in Gade County’s Kyangche Township, he remains prohibited from speaking publicly about his case, sharing images or information online, and seeking necessary medical treatment. The Observatory recalls that in August 2023, three United Nations Special Rapporteurs raised Anya Sengdra’s case in a press release, urging the Chinese government to clarify his whereabouts, the legal basis for his detention, and his health condition. They further urged Chinese authorities to provide him with adequate medical care and to allow visits from his family. The Observatory expresses serious concern over the ongoing restrictions on Anya Sengdra’s freedom of expression and access to healthcare, which amount to continued judicial harassment. The Observatory urges the Chinese authorities to immediately lift all restrictions imposed on Anya Sengdra, ensure his fundamental right to liberty, and guarantee prompt and unhindered access to adequate medical care. It further calls on the authorities to put an end to the criminalisation and harassment of Tibetan environmental rights defenders and ensure that they can carry out their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities without fear of reprisals. The Observatory expresses its full and unequivocal support for Tibetan human rights defenders.]]> Paris-Geneva, 25 February 2026. Anya Sengdra, Tibetan nomad and prominent community leader from Gade County in the Tibetan region of Golog (Qinghai Province) was originally due for release on 3 September 2025. However, Chinese authorities failed to free him on that date and instead imposed a one-year extension of his sentence reportedly on the grounds of alleged “prison rule violations” for theft, without any official announcement or transparent judicial procedure. This unlawful extension constituted an arbitrary detention in total violation of international human rights, including the fundamental right to liberty and the right to a fair trial. On 6 December 2019, the Gade County Court sentenced Anya Sengdra to seven years’ imprisonment on charges of “provoking troubles, forming a mob to disturb public order, and other malicious acts” under Article 293 of China’s Criminal Law for his peaceful environmental and anti-corruption activities. Through the grassroots initiative “Mangdon Ling” (“Public Affairs Forum”), he campaigned against illegal mining, poaching of endangered species, and the misappropriation of public funds by local officials for relocated Tibetan nomads. In the early stages of his detention, Anya Sengdra was beaten by officers of the Gade County Public Security Bureau and denied access to legal counsel for 48 days. He was also subjected to years of restricted family visits. Deprived of adequate medical care, his health severely deteriorated in prison, leading to vision loss, kidney disease, and high blood pressure. Although he has now returned to his home in Gade County’s Kyangche Township, he remains prohibited from speaking publicly about his case, sharing images or information online, and seeking necessary medical treatment. The Observatory recalls that in August 2023, three United Nations Special Rapporteurs raised Anya Sengdra’s case in a press release, urging the Chinese government to clarify his whereabouts, the legal basis for his detention, and his health condition. They further urged Chinese authorities to provide him with adequate medical care and to allow visits from his family. The Observatory expresses serious concern over the ongoing restrictions on Anya Sengdra’s freedom of expression and access to healthcare, which amount to continued judicial harassment. The Observatory urges the Chinese authorities to immediately lift all restrictions imposed on Anya Sengdra, ensure his fundamental right to liberty, and guarantee prompt and unhindered access to adequate medical care. It further calls on the authorities to put an end to the criminalisation and harassment of Tibetan environmental rights defenders and ensure that they can carry out their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities without fear of reprisals. The Observatory expresses its full and unequivocal support for Tibetan human rights defenders.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/mauritanie-arrestations-detentions-et-poursuites-judiciaires-arbitraires-contre-huit-defenseur%c2%b7es-des-droits-humains-anti-esclavagistes/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 09:01:08 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24504 Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.]]> Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/iran-additional-prison-sentences-against-narges-mohammadi/ Wed, 18 Feb 2026 16:29:42 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24432 17 February 2026. The Free Narges Coalition Steering Committee stated: “The situation of Iran’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate under detention is not an isolated example, but an indicator of the vulnerability and risks faced by those detained for their defense of human rights or expression. The information we have received from verified sources about the condition of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners is deeply worrying. Following the nationwide demonstrations and ensuing massacre of protesters, the government is doubling down on dangerously harsh treatment of its growing number of political prisoners. Human rights defenders, journalists, writers, and artists are at the forefront of the fight for a free and democratic Iran. Narges Mohammadi and all prisoners of conscience must be freed immediately; they must have access to their chosen lawyer, regular contact with family, and medical care.” On 7 February 2026, Mohammadi’s lawyer announced that the Nobel laureate was transferred to Branch 1 of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court despite her objections. In protest against the unjust judicial process, she refused to provide a defense and was immediately handed down two harsh sentences. According to these new rulings, the human rights defender was sentenced to six years prison for “assembly and collusion against national security” and 18 months on the charge of “propaganda against the state.” Additionally, the judge issued supplementary punishments, including two years of internal exile to the city of Khosf, South Khorasan province in Iran and a two-year additional travel ban. Mohammadi, currently serving multiple prison sentences in a high security detention center in Mashhad, is facing more than 17 years of imprisonment since 2021. On 12 December 2025, Narges Mohammadi was arrested with a level of brutality unprecedented in her long history of judicial harassment. While attending the funeral of the late Iranian human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi in Mashhad, Mohammadi spoke to those gathered, offering a message of peace, unity, and national solidarity. It was during this peaceful assembly that plainclothes agents arrested her and others in an extremely violent manner. According to verified information, security forces encircled Mohammadi and other women defenders present and beat them repeatedly with wooden sticks and batons over their heads and between their legs, bruising her genital area and possibly fracturing her pelvic bone. During this assault, the agents threatened Mohammadi that “We will make your mother sit in mourning for you,” and that “Today is the last day of your life.” She was told that because they believed that she had “driven a dagger into the heart of the Islamic Republic,” they would “put a dagger back into her heart.” She was dragged across the ground by her hair with such force that sections of her scalp were torn away, leaving visible bald patches and open wounds. Inside the transport vehicle, agents broke another woman’s nose while forcing her to surrender her phone. Suffering from nausea, intense chest pain, and unusually high blood pressure, Mohammadi has reported feeling numb and being unable to breathe. When in solitary confinement, she has been overheard asking for help while shouting “I’m dying,” raising the possibility that she thought she was suffering a heart attack. Furthermore, she reported to not be able to sit down for several days due to the pelvic injury. Officials took detailed photographs of her extensive injuries, focusing specifically on the raw wounds on her scalp. During the first week of her arbitrary detention, Narges Mohammadi was transferred twice to hospital under heavy security measures. A physician confirmed that Mohammadi, who has a heart stent from a previous surgery, required urgent specialized cardiac care after serious medical negligence underdetention. In the first week of February, suffering from severe nausea, she was transferred again for a head scan, likely to Razavi Hospital in Mashhad, where doctors also provided an ointment for her scalp and gave her several unexplained injections. She was then returned to solitary confinement for weeks, kept in a windowless cell with constant artificial lighting that made it impossible to distinguish day from night, forced to sleep on a thin rug over ceramic tiles and not appropriately fed. Narges Mohammadi’s life remains in immediate danger. Despite her critical state, she is subjected to lengthy interrogation sessions to force a confession and a condemnation of the protests, which began on 28 December and continued for several weeks in January, leading to the killing of thousands of protesters. She has refused to comply, despite direct threats that she “won’t live to see the sun.” On the evening of 2 February, guards raided her cell and assaulted all detainees with electric shock devices. Prior to her arrest, Mohammadi was undergoing diagnostic testing for breast tumors; interrupting this, combined with cardiac distress and physical trauma, presents a high risk. Over two months into her unjust arrest, Mohammadi has been allowed only two short phone calls, both of which were abruptly cut short as she tried to recount her detention situation and current health condition. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate began a hunger strike on Monday, 2 February, to protest her continued unlawful detention, her dire detention conditions, and the denial of contact with her family or lawyers—realities faced by numerous prisoners currently held in Iran. Mohammadi ended her hunger strike six days later, amidst alarming reports about her health. Narges Mohammadi is a human rights defender, journalist, author, and the deputy director and spokesperson of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC) in Iran. Having spent more than 10 years of her life behind bars, her current period of detention began in December 2025. Throughout her life, she has been sentenced to a total of 44 years in prison, which includes previous sentences totaling 13 years and nine months for charges such as committing “propaganda activity against the state” and “collusion against state security.” She is the recipient of numerous international awards for her tireless struggle for human rights, including the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, the 2023 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize, the 2023 PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award, and the 2022 Reporters Without Borders Prize for Courage. This statement is issued by the Free Narges Coalition steering committee and does not necessarily reflect the position of all Coalition members. The steering committee is led by the Narges Foundation, PEN America, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Front Line Defenders. Join us in calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners in Iran.]]> 17 February 2026. The Free Narges Coalition Steering Committee stated: “The situation of Iran’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate under detention is not an isolated example, but an indicator of the vulnerability and risks faced by those detained for their defense of human rights or expression. The information we have received from verified sources about the condition of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners is deeply worrying. Following the nationwide demonstrations and ensuing massacre of protesters, the government is doubling down on dangerously harsh treatment of its growing number of political prisoners. Human rights defenders, journalists, writers, and artists are at the forefront of the fight for a free and democratic Iran. Narges Mohammadi and all prisoners of conscience must be freed immediately; they must have access to their chosen lawyer, regular contact with family, and medical care.” On 7 February 2026, Mohammadi’s lawyer announced that the Nobel laureate was transferred to Branch 1 of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court despite her objections. In protest against the unjust judicial process, she refused to provide a defense and was immediately handed down two harsh sentences. According to these new rulings, the human rights defender was sentenced to six years prison for “assembly and collusion against national security” and 18 months on the charge of “propaganda against the state.” Additionally, the judge issued supplementary punishments, including two years of internal exile to the city of Khosf, South Khorasan province in Iran and a two-year additional travel ban. Mohammadi, currently serving multiple prison sentences in a high security detention center in Mashhad, is facing more than 17 years of imprisonment since 2021. On 12 December 2025, Narges Mohammadi was arrested with a level of brutality unprecedented in her long history of judicial harassment. While attending the funeral of the late Iranian human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi in Mashhad, Mohammadi spoke to those gathered, offering a message of peace, unity, and national solidarity. It was during this peaceful assembly that plainclothes agents arrested her and others in an extremely violent manner. According to verified information, security forces encircled Mohammadi and other women defenders present and beat them repeatedly with wooden sticks and batons over their heads and between their legs, bruising her genital area and possibly fracturing her pelvic bone. During this assault, the agents threatened Mohammadi that “We will make your mother sit in mourning for you,” and that “Today is the last day of your life.” She was told that because they believed that she had “driven a dagger into the heart of the Islamic Republic,” they would “put a dagger back into her heart.” She was dragged across the ground by her hair with such force that sections of her scalp were torn away, leaving visible bald patches and open wounds. Inside the transport vehicle, agents broke another woman’s nose while forcing her to surrender her phone. Suffering from nausea, intense chest pain, and unusually high blood pressure, Mohammadi has reported feeling numb and being unable to breathe. When in solitary confinement, she has been overheard asking for help while shouting “I’m dying,” raising the possibility that she thought she was suffering a heart attack. Furthermore, she reported to not be able to sit down for several days due to the pelvic injury. Officials took detailed photographs of her extensive injuries, focusing specifically on the raw wounds on her scalp. During the first week of her arbitrary detention, Narges Mohammadi was transferred twice to hospital under heavy security measures. A physician confirmed that Mohammadi, who has a heart stent from a previous surgery, required urgent specialized cardiac care after serious medical negligence underdetention. In the first week of February, suffering from severe nausea, she was transferred again for a head scan, likely to Razavi Hospital in Mashhad, where doctors also provided an ointment for her scalp and gave her several unexplained injections. She was then returned to solitary confinement for weeks, kept in a windowless cell with constant artificial lighting that made it impossible to distinguish day from night, forced to sleep on a thin rug over ceramic tiles and not appropriately fed. Narges Mohammadi’s life remains in immediate danger. Despite her critical state, she is subjected to lengthy interrogation sessions to force a confession and a condemnation of the protests, which began on 28 December and continued for several weeks in January, leading to the killing of thousands of protesters. She has refused to comply, despite direct threats that she “won’t live to see the sun.” On the evening of 2 February, guards raided her cell and assaulted all detainees with electric shock devices. Prior to her arrest, Mohammadi was undergoing diagnostic testing for breast tumors; interrupting this, combined with cardiac distress and physical trauma, presents a high risk. Over two months into her unjust arrest, Mohammadi has been allowed only two short phone calls, both of which were abruptly cut short as she tried to recount her detention situation and current health condition. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate began a hunger strike on Monday, 2 February, to protest her continued unlawful detention, her dire detention conditions, and the denial of contact with her family or lawyers—realities faced by numerous prisoners currently held in Iran. Mohammadi ended her hunger strike six days later, amidst alarming reports about her health. Narges Mohammadi is a human rights defender, journalist, author, and the deputy director and spokesperson of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC) in Iran. Having spent more than 10 years of her life behind bars, her current period of detention began in December 2025. Throughout her life, she has been sentenced to a total of 44 years in prison, which includes previous sentences totaling 13 years and nine months for charges such as committing “propaganda activity against the state” and “collusion against state security.” She is the recipient of numerous international awards for her tireless struggle for human rights, including the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, the 2023 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize, the 2023 PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award, and the 2022 Reporters Without Borders Prize for Courage. This statement is issued by the Free Narges Coalition steering committee and does not necessarily reflect the position of all Coalition members. The steering committee is led by the Narges Foundation, PEN America, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Front Line Defenders. Join us in calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners in Iran.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/fr/alert/china-incommunicado-detention-and-possible-sentencing-of-ms-zhang-yadi-young-defender-of-tibetan-rights/ Fri, 13 Feb 2026 17:21:19 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24417 Zhang Yadi, young student member of the group Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet and human rights defender engaged in fostering dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan communities and in challenging discriminatory narratives promoted by Chinese authorities. She has expressed her views through her writings and participation in peaceful demonstrations, including while residing abroad. On 31 July 2025, Ms Zhang Yadi was arrested by officers of the State Security Bureau while visiting her family in Changsha, Hunan Province. She was subsequently placed in detention at a facility operated by the Changsha National Security Bureau. Since her arrest and until publication of this Urgent Appeal, she has reportedly been held incommunicado, with no regular access to her family or a lawyer. No information is available regarding her detention conditions or her health. On September 2025, Chinese authorities allegedly charged Ms Zhang under Article 103(2) of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, which criminalises “inciting separatism” and “endangering national security”. The date of the trial has not been announced, and it could take place at any time. If convicted, Ms Zhang could face a sentence of up to 15 years in prison. At the time of publication of this Urgent Appeal, Ms Zhang Yadi seemed to still be detained at Changsha National Security Detention. The absence of information regarding her condition and her incommunicado detention raise serious concerns about her physical integrity and psychological well-being. Ms Zhang Yadi, who comes from a Han Chinese background, developed an interest in Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan culture during her secondary education. In 2022, she moved to France to pursue higher education, and became involved in discussions and peaceful actions related to human rights in China. During this period, she participated in demonstrations organised by the Tibetan diaspora and used social media to publish reflections on political repression, historical memory, and the situation of marginalised communities in China. She also contributed to Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet - a platform created following the “White Paper” protests in November 2022 in China - to promote understanding of Tibetan history, culture, and human rights among Chinese-speaking audiences, while countering ethnic prejudice and China’s propaganda and promoting dialogue based on mutual understanding and respect. After graduating from the École Supérieure de Commerce of Paris (ESPC Business School), Ms Zhang was expected to begin postgraduate studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London in September 2025. Her arrest occurred shortly before her planned return to Europe. The Observatory recalls that the situation of human rights defenders in China is extremely concerning. The Chinese authorities continue to impose severe restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, especially through the misuse of large defined national security offences to criminalise peaceful dissent. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of Ms Zhang Yadi, which appears to be aimed at punishing her for her legitimate human rights activities and deterring others from engaging in peaceful advocacy related to Tibetan rights. The Observatory calls for her release and urges the Chinese authorities to respect Ms Zhang’s fundamental rights to liberty, freedom of expression, and fair trial.]]> Zhang Yadi, young student member of the group Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet and human rights defender engaged in fostering dialogue between Chinese and Tibetan communities and in challenging discriminatory narratives promoted by Chinese authorities. She has expressed her views through her writings and participation in peaceful demonstrations, including while residing abroad. On 31 July 2025, Ms Zhang Yadi was arrested by officers of the State Security Bureau while visiting her family in Changsha, Hunan Province. She was subsequently placed in detention at a facility operated by the Changsha National Security Bureau. Since her arrest and until publication of this Urgent Appeal, she has reportedly been held incommunicado, with no regular access to her family or a lawyer. No information is available regarding her detention conditions or her health. On September 2025, Chinese authorities allegedly charged Ms Zhang under Article 103(2) of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, which criminalises “inciting separatism” and “endangering national security”. The date of the trial has not been announced, and it could take place at any time. If convicted, Ms Zhang could face a sentence of up to 15 years in prison. At the time of publication of this Urgent Appeal, Ms Zhang Yadi seemed to still be detained at Changsha National Security Detention. The absence of information regarding her condition and her incommunicado detention raise serious concerns about her physical integrity and psychological well-being. Ms Zhang Yadi, who comes from a Han Chinese background, developed an interest in Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan culture during her secondary education. In 2022, she moved to France to pursue higher education, and became involved in discussions and peaceful actions related to human rights in China. During this period, she participated in demonstrations organised by the Tibetan diaspora and used social media to publish reflections on political repression, historical memory, and the situation of marginalised communities in China. She also contributed to Chinese Youth Stand for Tibet - a platform created following the “White Paper” protests in November 2022 in China - to promote understanding of Tibetan history, culture, and human rights among Chinese-speaking audiences, while countering ethnic prejudice and China’s propaganda and promoting dialogue based on mutual understanding and respect. After graduating from the École Supérieure de Commerce of Paris (ESPC Business School), Ms Zhang was expected to begin postgraduate studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London in September 2025. Her arrest occurred shortly before her planned return to Europe. The Observatory recalls that the situation of human rights defenders in China is extremely concerning. The Chinese authorities continue to impose severe restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, especially through the misuse of large defined national security offences to criminalise peaceful dissent. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of Ms Zhang Yadi, which appears to be aimed at punishing her for her legitimate human rights activities and deterring others from engaging in peaceful advocacy related to Tibetan rights. The Observatory calls for her release and urges the Chinese authorities to respect Ms Zhang’s fundamental rights to liberty, freedom of expression, and fair trial.]]>