Restricciones a la libertad de reunión pacífica – The Observatory For Defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/ Fri, 03 Jul 2026 22:37:26 +0000 es-ES hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png Restricciones a la libertad de reunión pacífica – The Observatory For Defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/ 32 32 Belarus: Human rights organisations denounce systemic crisis of democracy and human rights in the labour sector https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/belarus-human-rights-organisations-denounce-systemic-crisis-of-democracy-and-human-rights-in-the-labour-sector/ Thu, 04 Jun 2026 22:33:26 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24859 Paris-Geneva, 4 June 2026 - Belarus is facing a profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector, marked by the dismantling of independent trade unions, the imprisonment of trade union leaders and activists, and widespread restrictions on workers’ rights. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, denounce this profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector and declare that the current situation is complex in nature and affects fundamental labour rights guaranteed by international law, including freedom of association, the right to decent work, the prohibition of forced labour, and non-discrimination. Since 2004, the Belarusian authorities have systematically ignored and failed to implement the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Commission of Inquiry aimed at ensuring freedom of association, registration of independent trade unions, and removal of obstacles to their activities. Following the presidential election on 9 August 2020 - the legitimacy of which, along with its official results, was called into question by a significant number of international and Belarusian organisations - and the subsequent mass peaceful protests, the situation regarding freedom of association in the labour sector in Belarus began to deteriorate steadily. In 2022, the Belarusian authorities forcibly dissolved all independent trade unions (SPM, SPB, BNP, REP), as well as their umbrella organisation, the Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions (BKDP). Their leaders and activists faced criminal prosecution, arrest and imprisonment, and were forced to leave the country. As a result, the activities of independent trade unions within Belarus were effectively halted, and workers’ ability to form and participate in independent trade unions, engage in collective representation, and defend their labour rights was significantly restricted. Under these circumstances, independent worker representation has become virtually impossible. These restrictions are systemic in nature, as they are supported by a combination of legislative mechanisms, law enforcement practices, and repressive policies targeting independent actors. Against this backdrop, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) functions de facto as part of the state governance system and does not provide genuine protection of workers’ rights and interests. In 2023, an unprecedented measure was taken against Belarus under Article 33 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) – only the second such case in the history of the organisation. The application of Article 33 of the ILO Constitution is a recognition by the international community of serious and systematic violations committed by the State and requires coordinated action by member States. At present, more than 20 trade union leaders and activists are in prison, and over 50 have already served their sentences but remain non-exonerated. The restrictions imposed on the latter based on their criminal records and their inclusion on lists of ‘extremists’ and ‘terrorists’ are the continuation of repression against them. Although formally released from detention, they effectively continue to serve their sentences. A number of unlawfully convicted and imprisoned trade union activists, including Aliaksandr Yarashuk, Chairperson of the BKDP and member of the ILO Governing Body, and Hennadz Fiadynich, Chairperson of REP, were forcibly expelled from the country, had their passports confiscated, and were effectively deprived of social rights, including the right to a pension. Maksim Senik, a member of the Independent Trade Union ‘Hrodna Azot’, was also forcibly expelled, and his passport was annulled without legal grounds. The widespread use of forced labour practices is a cause for particular concern. These include the use of labour from prisoners, individuals placed in medical labour centres, and people with disabilities who are permanently resident in social care homes (which is especially critical for those with neuropsychiatric conditions); the application of legislation on so-called ‘social dependency’; compulsory community work days (‘subbotniks’); the mandatory job placement of young professionals; a contract-based employment system that restricts the freedom to terminate employment relationships; and other forms of labour that do not comply with the principle of voluntariness. These practices contravene Belarus’s international obligations, including those under the International Labour Organisation. We also observe systematic discrimination against workers on political grounds. Individuals who express dissent with government policy or participate in peaceful protests face dismissal, denial of employment, and inclusion on informal ‘blacklists’. The formal grounds for discriminating against such individuals are continually expanding, not only depriving them of their civil rights but also preventing them from fully participating in economic and social life: hiring rules, performance evaluation guidelines, and codes of ethics are being altered. Since 2023, a ban has been enshrined in law on at least eight professions for people who have been held criminally and/or administratively liable under ‘political’ articles. Gender discrimination also remains systemic. Women continue to face restrictions on access to certain types of employment due to the continued existence of a list of ‘prohibited professions’, gender quotas in the education system, and unequal treatment at work. The overly broad application of legislation aimed at combating ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ has become an additional instrument restricting the right to work. Inclusion of citizens in relevant lists effectively bars them from employment in certain sectors, imposes financial restrictions, and leads to social isolation, thereby violating the principles of proportionality and legal certainty. As a result, social dialogue in Belarus has been replaced by a mere facade: independent workers’ representatives have been excluded from it, while the key role is played by the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB), which is de facto integrated into the state system and lacks institutional independence. This model systematically perpetuates labour rights violations and precludes the possibility of their effective protection within the country. Belarus consistently evades cooperation with international monitoring mechanisms. The authorities refuse to engage constructively with UN bodies, ignore the recommendations of the ILO, and do not recognise the mandate of the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus. The undersigned Independent trade unions, human rights organisations, representatives of Belarusian civil society initiatives, and international human rights organisations declare their intention to establish and develop cooperation and to join forces with the aim of building a democratic society based on the principles of the rule of law, social justice, and decent work. We express our strong support for the mandate of Mr Lelio Bentes Corrêa, the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus, and call for its further strengthening. In the absence of effective domestic mechanisms to protect labour rights, international attention and cooperation remain key instruments for supporting workers in Belarus. In this regard, we call on the member states of the UN agencies, the ILO, other international organisations, and the business community to:
  1. Step up cooperation in implementing Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with regard to Belarus.
  2. Take concerted action to ensure that Belarus fulfills its international obligations in labour relations.
  3. Seek full recognition by the Government of Belarus of the mandate of all UN human rights mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation with human rights in Belarus, the Group of Independent Experts on the situation with human rights in Belarus, and the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus.
  4. Take labour rights violations into account when formulating sanctions and trade policies.
  5. Ensure that companies engaging with any Belarusian businesses, state bodies, or other organisations implement appropriate human rights due diligence procedures.
  6. Support independent trade union and human rights initiatives, including those operating in exile.
  7. Seek the immediate release of all trade union leaders and activists and an end to the politically motivated persecution of workers.
  8. Promote the restoration of freedom of association and the creation of conditions for the functioning of independent trade unions in Belarus.
The systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector in Belarus requires an immediate and coordinated international response. Without the restoration of independent trade unions, neither decent work nor sustainable development can be ensured.]]> Paris-Geneva, 4 June 2026 - Belarus is facing a profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector, marked by the dismantling of independent trade unions, the imprisonment of trade union leaders and activists, and widespread restrictions on workers’ rights. The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, denounce this profound and systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector and declare that the current situation is complex in nature and affects fundamental labour rights guaranteed by international law, including freedom of association, the right to decent work, the prohibition of forced labour, and non-discrimination. Since 2004, the Belarusian authorities have systematically ignored and failed to implement the recommendations of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Commission of Inquiry aimed at ensuring freedom of association, registration of independent trade unions, and removal of obstacles to their activities. Following the presidential election on 9 August 2020 - the legitimacy of which, along with its official results, was called into question by a significant number of international and Belarusian organisations - and the subsequent mass peaceful protests, the situation regarding freedom of association in the labour sector in Belarus began to deteriorate steadily. In 2022, the Belarusian authorities forcibly dissolved all independent trade unions (SPM, SPB, BNP, REP), as well as their umbrella organisation, the Belarusian Congress of Democratic Trade Unions (BKDP). Their leaders and activists faced criminal prosecution, arrest and imprisonment, and were forced to leave the country. As a result, the activities of independent trade unions within Belarus were effectively halted, and workers’ ability to form and participate in independent trade unions, engage in collective representation, and defend their labour rights was significantly restricted. Under these circumstances, independent worker representation has become virtually impossible. These restrictions are systemic in nature, as they are supported by a combination of legislative mechanisms, law enforcement practices, and repressive policies targeting independent actors. Against this backdrop, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB) functions de facto as part of the state governance system and does not provide genuine protection of workers’ rights and interests. In 2023, an unprecedented measure was taken against Belarus under Article 33 of the Constitution of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) – only the second such case in the history of the organisation. The application of Article 33 of the ILO Constitution is a recognition by the international community of serious and systematic violations committed by the State and requires coordinated action by member States. At present, more than 20 trade union leaders and activists are in prison, and over 50 have already served their sentences but remain non-exonerated. The restrictions imposed on the latter based on their criminal records and their inclusion on lists of ‘extremists’ and ‘terrorists’ are the continuation of repression against them. Although formally released from detention, they effectively continue to serve their sentences. A number of unlawfully convicted and imprisoned trade union activists, including Aliaksandr Yarashuk, Chairperson of the BKDP and member of the ILO Governing Body, and Hennadz Fiadynich, Chairperson of REP, were forcibly expelled from the country, had their passports confiscated, and were effectively deprived of social rights, including the right to a pension. Maksim Senik, a member of the Independent Trade Union ‘Hrodna Azot’, was also forcibly expelled, and his passport was annulled without legal grounds. The widespread use of forced labour practices is a cause for particular concern. These include the use of labour from prisoners, individuals placed in medical labour centres, and people with disabilities who are permanently resident in social care homes (which is especially critical for those with neuropsychiatric conditions); the application of legislation on so-called ‘social dependency’; compulsory community work days (‘subbotniks’); the mandatory job placement of young professionals; a contract-based employment system that restricts the freedom to terminate employment relationships; and other forms of labour that do not comply with the principle of voluntariness. These practices contravene Belarus’s international obligations, including those under the International Labour Organisation. We also observe systematic discrimination against workers on political grounds. Individuals who express dissent with government policy or participate in peaceful protests face dismissal, denial of employment, and inclusion on informal ‘blacklists’. The formal grounds for discriminating against such individuals are continually expanding, not only depriving them of their civil rights but also preventing them from fully participating in economic and social life: hiring rules, performance evaluation guidelines, and codes of ethics are being altered. Since 2023, a ban has been enshrined in law on at least eight professions for people who have been held criminally and/or administratively liable under ‘political’ articles. Gender discrimination also remains systemic. Women continue to face restrictions on access to certain types of employment due to the continued existence of a list of ‘prohibited professions’, gender quotas in the education system, and unequal treatment at work. The overly broad application of legislation aimed at combating ‘extremism’ and ‘terrorism’ has become an additional instrument restricting the right to work. Inclusion of citizens in relevant lists effectively bars them from employment in certain sectors, imposes financial restrictions, and leads to social isolation, thereby violating the principles of proportionality and legal certainty. As a result, social dialogue in Belarus has been replaced by a mere facade: independent workers’ representatives have been excluded from it, while the key role is played by the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus (FPB), which is de facto integrated into the state system and lacks institutional independence. This model systematically perpetuates labour rights violations and precludes the possibility of their effective protection within the country. Belarus consistently evades cooperation with international monitoring mechanisms. The authorities refuse to engage constructively with UN bodies, ignore the recommendations of the ILO, and do not recognise the mandate of the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus. The undersigned Independent trade unions, human rights organisations, representatives of Belarusian civil society initiatives, and international human rights organisations declare their intention to establish and develop cooperation and to join forces with the aim of building a democratic society based on the principles of the rule of law, social justice, and decent work. We express our strong support for the mandate of Mr Lelio Bentes Corrêa, the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus, and call for its further strengthening. In the absence of effective domestic mechanisms to protect labour rights, international attention and cooperation remain key instruments for supporting workers in Belarus. In this regard, we call on the member states of the UN agencies, the ILO, other international organisations, and the business community to:
  1. Step up cooperation in implementing Article 33 of the ILO Constitution with regard to Belarus.
  2. Take concerted action to ensure that Belarus fulfills its international obligations in labour relations.
  3. Seek full recognition by the Government of Belarus of the mandate of all UN human rights mechanisms, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation with human rights in Belarus, the Group of Independent Experts on the situation with human rights in Belarus, and the ILO Special Envoy to Belarus.
  4. Take labour rights violations into account when formulating sanctions and trade policies.
  5. Ensure that companies engaging with any Belarusian businesses, state bodies, or other organisations implement appropriate human rights due diligence procedures.
  6. Support independent trade union and human rights initiatives, including those operating in exile.
  7. Seek the immediate release of all trade union leaders and activists and an end to the politically motivated persecution of workers.
  8. Promote the restoration of freedom of association and the creation of conditions for the functioning of independent trade unions in Belarus.
The systemic human rights crisis in the labour sector in Belarus requires an immediate and coordinated international response. Without the restoration of independent trade unions, neither decent work nor sustainable development can be ensured.]]> Ecuador: organizaciones internacionales alertan de una acelerada degradación de los derechos humanos https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/ecuador-organizaciones-internacionales-alertan-de-una-acelerada-degradacion-de-los-derechos-humanos/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 13:42:55 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24535
  • As part of a human rights observation visit, the organisations visited several communities and interviewed human rights and environmental defenders, civil society organisations, public institutions and the international community.
  • The information gathered points to the closure of civic space, criminalisation and increased threats against human rights defenders, especially in contexts of extractivism or socio-environmental conflicts, threats to judicial independence and a security policy based on the militarisation of the state’s response to human rights issues.
    • Quito, 10 March 2026. International human rights organisations conducted an observation visit to Ecuador from 2 to 5 March 2026, due to growing concern about the deteriorating human rights situation in the country and the difficulties in exercising the defence of these rights, including access to public information. During the visit, our organisations held meetings with communities, human rights and environmental defenders, civil society representatives, authorities, international organisations and representatives of the international community in order to obtain a comprehensive and verified overview of the current situation. Based on the information obtained, our organisations unanimously express our grave concern about the situation of repression and human rights violations, particularly against human rights defenders as well as Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities, "campesino" and Afro-descendant communities, women and young people, and civil society organisations that make up the social fabric of Ecuador. Against this deeply worrying backdrop, we would like to draw attention to the following issues. The rapid deterioration of civic space, including the stigmatisation and criminalisation of human rights and environmental defenders, the use of SLAPPs (strategic lawsuits against public participation) and the violent repression of peaceful protests led by indigenous movements in the context of states of emergency, and the rapid implementation of a new regulatory framework and arbitrary practices against civil society organisations. The implementation of a securitised policy and the normalisation of states of emergency, surveillance and militarisation under the pretext of addressing a serious structural security crisis, as well as the erosion of judicial independence and the rule of law. The adoption of an extractivist approach without prior consultation in the context of the implementation of projects, nor respect for the will of the people expressed in other mechanisms of direct participation. This has had serious impacts on collective rights and the rights of nature, undermining fundamental democratic freedoms. The findings and recommendations will be consolidated in a joint report to be published in the coming months. The organisations participating in the visit will continue to accompany, monitor and raise awareness internationally about the situation of human rights and the rights of nature in Ecuador. Preliminarily, the organisations call for: the Ecuadorian State must guarantee the rights enshrined in the Constitution, comply with the recommendations issued by intergovernmental human rights organisations, and fulfil the obligations it has undertaken through the international treaties it has ratified; the international community must reinforce its monitoring of the situation of human rights and environmental defenders, provide assistance to strengthen the rights system, and offer direct support to civil society as a whole. Finally, our organisations express our solidarity and recognise the dignity and determination of those who continue to legitimately defend their rights in an increasingly hostile environment.]]>
  • As part of a human rights observation visit, the organisations visited several communities and interviewed human rights and environmental defenders, civil society organisations, public institutions and the international community.
  • The information gathered points to the closure of civic space, criminalisation and increased threats against human rights defenders, especially in contexts of extractivism or socio-environmental conflicts, threats to judicial independence and a security policy based on the militarisation of the state’s response to human rights issues.
    • Quito, 10 March 2026. International human rights organisations conducted an observation visit to Ecuador from 2 to 5 March 2026, due to growing concern about the deteriorating human rights situation in the country and the difficulties in exercising the defence of these rights, including access to public information. During the visit, our organisations held meetings with communities, human rights and environmental defenders, civil society representatives, authorities, international organisations and representatives of the international community in order to obtain a comprehensive and verified overview of the current situation. Based on the information obtained, our organisations unanimously express our grave concern about the situation of repression and human rights violations, particularly against human rights defenders as well as Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities, "campesino" and Afro-descendant communities, women and young people, and civil society organisations that make up the social fabric of Ecuador. Against this deeply worrying backdrop, we would like to draw attention to the following issues. The rapid deterioration of civic space, including the stigmatisation and criminalisation of human rights and environmental defenders, the use of SLAPPs (strategic lawsuits against public participation) and the violent repression of peaceful protests led by indigenous movements in the context of states of emergency, and the rapid implementation of a new regulatory framework and arbitrary practices against civil society organisations. The implementation of a securitised policy and the normalisation of states of emergency, surveillance and militarisation under the pretext of addressing a serious structural security crisis, as well as the erosion of judicial independence and the rule of law. The adoption of an extractivist approach without prior consultation in the context of the implementation of projects, nor respect for the will of the people expressed in other mechanisms of direct participation. This has had serious impacts on collective rights and the rights of nature, undermining fundamental democratic freedoms. The findings and recommendations will be consolidated in a joint report to be published in the coming months. The organisations participating in the visit will continue to accompany, monitor and raise awareness internationally about the situation of human rights and the rights of nature in Ecuador. Preliminarily, the organisations call for: the Ecuadorian State must guarantee the rights enshrined in the Constitution, comply with the recommendations issued by intergovernmental human rights organisations, and fulfil the obligations it has undertaken through the international treaties it has ratified; the international community must reinforce its monitoring of the situation of human rights and environmental defenders, provide assistance to strengthen the rights system, and offer direct support to civil society as a whole. Finally, our organisations express our solidarity and recognise the dignity and determination of those who continue to legitimately defend their rights in an increasingly hostile environment.]]>         Indonesia: Government must quash charges against Delpedro Marhaen and human rights defenders, uphold freedom of expression https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/indonesia-government-must-quash-charges-against-delpedro-marhaen-and-human-rights-defenders-uphold-freedom-of-expression/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 09:22:01 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24517 Paris-Geneva, 6 March 2026. On 27 February 2026, prosecutors demanded a two-year prison sentence for the four human rights defenders. The Court is set to issue its decision on 6 March. “The right to freedom of expression is one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society. Indonesia could not maintain its position as a democratic nation when it weaponises its rule of law system to criminalise human rights defenders and activists for expressing dissent against government policies,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA. What happened Delpedro Marhaen serves as the Executive Director of Lokataru Foundation, an organisation specialising in human rights protection on civic liberties while Muzaffar Salim works as a staff member at Lokataru Foundation. Syahdan Husein and Khariq Anhar are university group activists. In August 2025, Indonesia witnessed a series of mass protests following the state’s announcement of increased allowances for parliament members amidst mass layoffs and budget cuts across education and human rights sectors. The protests were met with excessive force by both police and military, leading to more than ten deaths, 34 short-term enforced disappearances, hundreds of injuries, and at least 6,700 arbitrary arrests against civilians. Following the protests, Delpedro Marhaen, Muzaffar Salim, Syahdan Husein, and Khariq Anhar were arrested and charged with incitement under Article 28 (3) and (45A) of the notorious Electronic Information and Transactions Law, incitement to defy public authorities under Article 246 of the Criminal Code, and sedition charges under Article 160 of the Criminal Code. The charges stemmed from the accusation that they posted inflammatory content on social media, which then allegedly caused civil unrest and violence as well as damage to public facilities and injuries to police officers. The police pointed out the Lokataru Foundation’s social media post, which details complaint centres and a hotline number students can use in case they experience violations, arbitrary arrests, or threats for joining the August protests. The post was meant to inform student protesters on their right to peaceful assembly and for the organisation to document any instances of unjust repression and provide assistance to protestors. The allegations also included their use of hashtags #IndonesiaGelap (Dark Indonesia) and #ReformasiPolri (reform the police) which was alleged to have allowed confrontational narrative to reach a massive audience. Criminalising human rights defenders The cases against Mr Delpedro, Mr Muzaffar, Mr Syahdan, and Mr Khariq are not isolated. Over 6,719 people were arrested, with 703 individuals currently facing judicial proceedings for their involvement in the August 2025 protests, according to the data provided by Gerakan Muda Lawan Kriminalisasi under a civil society-led fact-finding commission initiated by FORUM-ASIA member organisations Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation and the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS). This marked the highest number of arrests and political prosecution against activists since the 1998 reform. At least 70 individuals reportedly received payments to provoke the August 2025 protests by bringing firecrackers, molotov cocktails, and fireworks, the commission found. These individuals were affiliated with an organisation that helped campaign for Prabowo Subianto’s 2024 presidential bid. The commission also noted a great imbalance of law enforcement given the criminalisation of students, youth activists, and human rights defenders rather than those who actually incited civil unrest. This practice effectively creates a chilling effect for citizens and human rights defenders who are merely exercising their fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. Call to action The online posts made by Mr Delpedro, Mr Muzaffar, Mr Syahdan and Mr Khariq highlighted problematic government policies and human rights violations committed by State security actors. Hence the Court must consider how these expressions are protected under the Indonesian Constitution as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Indonesia is a party to. The Court must interpret the law against incitement under the context of the limitation for freedom of expression. This would require the Court to follow the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality. Likewise, this should be proven beyond reasonable doubt. As Indonesia currently holds the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council, it must set the highest standard of protection for human rights defenders.]]> Paris-Geneva, 6 March 2026. On 27 February 2026, prosecutors demanded a two-year prison sentence for the four human rights defenders. The Court is set to issue its decision on 6 March. “The right to freedom of expression is one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society. Indonesia could not maintain its position as a democratic nation when it weaponises its rule of law system to criminalise human rights defenders and activists for expressing dissent against government policies,” said Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, Executive Director of FORUM-ASIA. What happened Delpedro Marhaen serves as the Executive Director of Lokataru Foundation, an organisation specialising in human rights protection on civic liberties while Muzaffar Salim works as a staff member at Lokataru Foundation. Syahdan Husein and Khariq Anhar are university group activists. In August 2025, Indonesia witnessed a series of mass protests following the state’s announcement of increased allowances for parliament members amidst mass layoffs and budget cuts across education and human rights sectors. The protests were met with excessive force by both police and military, leading to more than ten deaths, 34 short-term enforced disappearances, hundreds of injuries, and at least 6,700 arbitrary arrests against civilians. Following the protests, Delpedro Marhaen, Muzaffar Salim, Syahdan Husein, and Khariq Anhar were arrested and charged with incitement under Article 28 (3) and (45A) of the notorious Electronic Information and Transactions Law, incitement to defy public authorities under Article 246 of the Criminal Code, and sedition charges under Article 160 of the Criminal Code. The charges stemmed from the accusation that they posted inflammatory content on social media, which then allegedly caused civil unrest and violence as well as damage to public facilities and injuries to police officers. The police pointed out the Lokataru Foundation’s social media post, which details complaint centres and a hotline number students can use in case they experience violations, arbitrary arrests, or threats for joining the August protests. The post was meant to inform student protesters on their right to peaceful assembly and for the organisation to document any instances of unjust repression and provide assistance to protestors. The allegations also included their use of hashtags #IndonesiaGelap (Dark Indonesia) and #ReformasiPolri (reform the police) which was alleged to have allowed confrontational narrative to reach a massive audience. Criminalising human rights defenders The cases against Mr Delpedro, Mr Muzaffar, Mr Syahdan, and Mr Khariq are not isolated. Over 6,719 people were arrested, with 703 individuals currently facing judicial proceedings for their involvement in the August 2025 protests, according to the data provided by Gerakan Muda Lawan Kriminalisasi under a civil society-led fact-finding commission initiated by FORUM-ASIA member organisations Indonesia Legal Aid Foundation and the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS). This marked the highest number of arrests and political prosecution against activists since the 1998 reform. At least 70 individuals reportedly received payments to provoke the August 2025 protests by bringing firecrackers, molotov cocktails, and fireworks, the commission found. These individuals were affiliated with an organisation that helped campaign for Prabowo Subianto’s 2024 presidential bid. The commission also noted a great imbalance of law enforcement given the criminalisation of students, youth activists, and human rights defenders rather than those who actually incited civil unrest. This practice effectively creates a chilling effect for citizens and human rights defenders who are merely exercising their fundamental freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly. Call to action The online posts made by Mr Delpedro, Mr Muzaffar, Mr Syahdan and Mr Khariq highlighted problematic government policies and human rights violations committed by State security actors. Hence the Court must consider how these expressions are protected under the Indonesian Constitution as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Indonesia is a party to. The Court must interpret the law against incitement under the context of the limitation for freedom of expression. This would require the Court to follow the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality. Likewise, this should be proven beyond reasonable doubt. As Indonesia currently holds the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council, it must set the highest standard of protection for human rights defenders.]]> Mauritanie : arrestations, détentions et poursuites judiciaires arbitraires contre huit défenseur·es des droits humains anti-esclavagistes https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/mauritanie-arrestations-detentions-et-poursuites-judiciaires-arbitraires-contre-huit-defenseur%c2%b7es-des-droits-humains-anti-esclavagistes/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 09:01:08 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24504 Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.]]> Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.]]> Philippines: Arbitrary detention of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/philippines-arbitrary-detention-of-edel-parducho-and-three-odena/ Fri, 27 Feb 2026 13:45:24 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24476 Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of Mr Edel Parducho, Human Rights Education Officer at Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA), and Ms Three Odeña, a Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK) youth activist. PAHRA is a non-profit alliance of individuals, institutions, and organisations committed to the promotion, protection, and realisation of human rights in the Philippines, and is a member of FIDH and of the OMCT SOS-Torture network. SPARK is a national organisation of young student-leaders who fight against all forms of oppression and report on social issues, particularly those concerning the youth and marginalised sectors. On 25 February 2026, police officers from the Eastern Police District in Mandaluyong City, Metro Manila, arbitrarily arrested Edel Parducho and Three Odeña during a peaceful protest commemorating the 40th anniversary of the 1986 People Power Revolution on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Edel Parducho was acting as a marshal standing between the protesters and the police, and protecting female participants. Several times, the police forcefully pushed the protesters so that they would take up less space on the streets. Edel Parducho was hit multiple times on the back of his head with a shield, and was dragged by the collar of his shirt by the police until he fell to the ground. Once he was on the ground, several officers pinned him down and handcuffed him. Mr Parducho did not resist and remained in a defensive position throughout the incident. Three Odeña was taking photographs when she was pulled by her hair and arrested. On the same day, the two human rights defenders were charged by the National Capital Region Police Office with “direct assault”, “resistance to authority”, “illegal assembly”, and “physical injury”, allegations that are contradicted by video documentation and eyewitness accounts. As of 15:30 (Manila time) on 27 February 2026, Edel Parducho and Three Odeña were still arbitrarily detained at the Mandaluyong City police station. The Observatory notes with concern that the arbitrary arrests of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña occur amid a precarious situation for human rights defenders in the Philippines, who remain at risk of arbitrary detention, criminalisation, harassment, attacks, and, in some cases, killing. In addition, the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), which was passed in July 2020, further compounded the precarious situation for human rights defenders by legally institutionalising the practice of “red-tagging” defenders with overly broad and vague definitions of terrorism. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, which seems to be only aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities. The Observatory urges the authorities in the Philippines to immediately and unconditionally release Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, drop all unfounded charges against them and put an end to all acts of harassment against them and all human rights defenders in the country. The Observatory further calls on the authorities in the Philippines to guarantee, in all circumstances, the rights to freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly, as enshrined in international human rights law, and in particular in Articles 19 and 21 of the Internation Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which the Philippines has ratified.]]> Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of Mr Edel Parducho, Human Rights Education Officer at Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA), and Ms Three Odeña, a Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK) youth activist. PAHRA is a non-profit alliance of individuals, institutions, and organisations committed to the promotion, protection, and realisation of human rights in the Philippines, and is a member of FIDH and of the OMCT SOS-Torture network. SPARK is a national organisation of young student-leaders who fight against all forms of oppression and report on social issues, particularly those concerning the youth and marginalised sectors. On 25 February 2026, police officers from the Eastern Police District in Mandaluyong City, Metro Manila, arbitrarily arrested Edel Parducho and Three Odeña during a peaceful protest commemorating the 40th anniversary of the 1986 People Power Revolution on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Edel Parducho was acting as a marshal standing between the protesters and the police, and protecting female participants. Several times, the police forcefully pushed the protesters so that they would take up less space on the streets. Edel Parducho was hit multiple times on the back of his head with a shield, and was dragged by the collar of his shirt by the police until he fell to the ground. Once he was on the ground, several officers pinned him down and handcuffed him. Mr Parducho did not resist and remained in a defensive position throughout the incident. Three Odeña was taking photographs when she was pulled by her hair and arrested. On the same day, the two human rights defenders were charged by the National Capital Region Police Office with “direct assault”, “resistance to authority”, “illegal assembly”, and “physical injury”, allegations that are contradicted by video documentation and eyewitness accounts. As of 15:30 (Manila time) on 27 February 2026, Edel Parducho and Three Odeña were still arbitrarily detained at the Mandaluyong City police station. The Observatory notes with concern that the arbitrary arrests of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña occur amid a precarious situation for human rights defenders in the Philippines, who remain at risk of arbitrary detention, criminalisation, harassment, attacks, and, in some cases, killing. In addition, the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), which was passed in July 2020, further compounded the precarious situation for human rights defenders by legally institutionalising the practice of “red-tagging” defenders with overly broad and vague definitions of terrorism. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, which seems to be only aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities. The Observatory urges the authorities in the Philippines to immediately and unconditionally release Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, drop all unfounded charges against them and put an end to all acts of harassment against them and all human rights defenders in the country. The Observatory further calls on the authorities in the Philippines to guarantee, in all circumstances, the rights to freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly, as enshrined in international human rights law, and in particular in Articles 19 and 21 of the Internation Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which the Philippines has ratified.]]> Thailand: Conviction and prison sentences of four prominent pro-democracy activists on lèse-majesté charges https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/thailand-conviction-and-prison-sentences-of-four-prominent-pro-democracy-activists-on-lese-majeste-charges/ Fri, 20 Feb 2026 17:09:51 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24446 The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), has received new information and requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Thailand.

    New information:

    The Observatory has been informed about the conviction of prominent pro-democracy activists Mr Anon Nampa, Ms Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Mr Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Mr. Promsorn Veerathamjaree on charges of lèse-majesté in connection with their participation in a peaceful pro-democracy demonstration on 29 November 2020.

    On 20 February 2026, the Bangkok Criminal Court convicted Anon Nampa, Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree for speeches delivered during a peaceful assembly entitled “Disarm Thai Feudalism,” which was held on 29 November 2020 in front of the 11th Infantry Regiment King’s Guard in Bangkok. All four were found guilty under Article 112 of the Criminal Code (“lèse-majesté”), and sentenced to four years in prison each. Their sentences were reduced to two years and eight months in prison, because the Court found the defendants’ testimonies useful. Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree were subsequently granted temporary release on bail, set at 200,000 baht (about 5,490 Euros) for Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk and 150,000 Thai baht (about 4,118 Euros) for Pimsiri Petchnamrob and Promsorn Veerathamjaree, pending appeal. Anon Nampa, who did not file a bail request, remains detained at the Bangkok Remand Prison.

    The four pro-democracy activists were also convicted under the 2020 Emergency Decree and for using a sound amplifier without permission and were fined a total of 10,200 Thai baht (about 280 Euros) each.

    During the above-mentioned peaceful demonstration, Anon Nampa and Pimsiri Petchnamrob advocated for reforms of the monarchy and amendments to Thailand’s 2017 Constitution. In his speech, Anon Nampa criticised, inter alia, the transfer of military units to the King’s personal command and the transfer of public property to private ownership. In her speech, Pimsiri Petchnamrob addressed the relationship between the military and the monarchy and the history of military coups in Thailand, and cited a statement by the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, which argued for the incompatibility of Article 112 of the Criminal Code with democratic principles.

    The four pro-democracy activists denied all charges against them. Ms Pimsiri maintained that she did not make personal remarks about members of the Thai royal family and only quoted the UN Special Rapporteur’s critique of Thailand’s ‘‘lèse-majesté’’ legislation. Mr Anon maintained that his speech and remarks constituted legitimate criticism and were protected by his right to freedom of expression.

    The Observatory recalls that Mr Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk was arbitrarily detained for seven years, from April 2011 to April 2018, as a result of his arrest and subsequent conviction to 10 years in prison on lèse-majesté charges.

    The Observatory also notes that Mr Promsorn Veerathamjaree has already been convicted on three prior lèse-majesté cases. He was sentenced to prison terms in connection with his participation in pro-democracy protests in 2021. In each of those cases, he was released on bail pending appeal.

    The Observatory further recalls that the additional two years and eight months of imprisonment imposed on Anon Nampa under Article 112 bring his total prison term to 31 years, nine months, and 20 days. Mr Anon has been arbitrarily incarcerated at the Bangkok Remand Prison since his first lèse-majesté conviction on 26 September 2023. All convictions are currently under appeal, while numerous bail applications have been consistently denied. Between September 2023 and February 2026, he submitted 93 bail applications and 43 appeals against bail denial orders, all of which were rejected. The Observatory notes that Mr. Anon’s latest conviction and prison sentence followed 10 previous convictions related to his public statements and his advocacy for human rights and democratic reforms in Thailand.

    The Observatory points out that on 9 July 2025, Mr Anon Nampa was sentenced for the 10th time to two years in prison under Article 112 and four months under Article 116 of the Criminal Code (sedition) in connection with a speech he delivered at a protest in front of Parliament in Bangkok on 17 November 2020.

    According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, between 19 November 2020 and 20 February 2026, at least 291 people, including numerous human rights defenders and 20 minors, were charged under Article 112 of the Criminal Code. Sixteen were reportedly detained pending trial or appeal, and 18 others were serving prison sentences. The systematic abuse of Articles 112 and 116 against peaceful critics and protesters reflects a broader pattern of judicial harassment and a shrinking civic space in Thailand.

    The Observatory recalls that Thailand is a State party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Articles 9 and 14 of the ICCPR guarantee the rights to liberty and to a fair trial, while Articles 19, 21, and 22 protect the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. Any restriction must be strictly necessary and proportionate. The imposition of lengthy prison sentences for peaceful criticism of public institutions is incompatible with these obligations.

    The Observatory considers that the conviction and continued arbitrary detention of Anon Nampa and the conviction of Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree, appear to be solely aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities and the peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, in violation of international human rights law.

    The Observatory calls on the Thai authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Anon Nampa, and to ensure that Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjareeis are not subjected to arbitrary detention, as well as to release all other arbitrarily detained human rights defenders in the country, and to put an end to all forms of judicial harassment against them.

    ]]>     The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), has received new information and requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Thailand.

    New information:

    The Observatory has been informed about the conviction of prominent pro-democracy activists Mr Anon Nampa, Ms Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Mr Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Mr. Promsorn Veerathamjaree on charges of lèse-majesté in connection with their participation in a peaceful pro-democracy demonstration on 29 November 2020.

    On 20 February 2026, the Bangkok Criminal Court convicted Anon Nampa, Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree for speeches delivered during a peaceful assembly entitled “Disarm Thai Feudalism,” which was held on 29 November 2020 in front of the 11th Infantry Regiment King’s Guard in Bangkok. All four were found guilty under Article 112 of the Criminal Code (“lèse-majesté”), and sentenced to four years in prison each. Their sentences were reduced to two years and eight months in prison, because the Court found the defendants’ testimonies useful. Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree were subsequently granted temporary release on bail, set at 200,000 baht (about 5,490 Euros) for Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk and 150,000 Thai baht (about 4,118 Euros) for Pimsiri Petchnamrob and Promsorn Veerathamjaree, pending appeal. Anon Nampa, who did not file a bail request, remains detained at the Bangkok Remand Prison.

    The four pro-democracy activists were also convicted under the 2020 Emergency Decree and for using a sound amplifier without permission and were fined a total of 10,200 Thai baht (about 280 Euros) each.

    During the above-mentioned peaceful demonstration, Anon Nampa and Pimsiri Petchnamrob advocated for reforms of the monarchy and amendments to Thailand’s 2017 Constitution. In his speech, Anon Nampa criticised, inter alia, the transfer of military units to the King’s personal command and the transfer of public property to private ownership. In her speech, Pimsiri Petchnamrob addressed the relationship between the military and the monarchy and the history of military coups in Thailand, and cited a statement by the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, which argued for the incompatibility of Article 112 of the Criminal Code with democratic principles.

    The four pro-democracy activists denied all charges against them. Ms Pimsiri maintained that she did not make personal remarks about members of the Thai royal family and only quoted the UN Special Rapporteur’s critique of Thailand’s ‘‘lèse-majesté’’ legislation. Mr Anon maintained that his speech and remarks constituted legitimate criticism and were protected by his right to freedom of expression.

    The Observatory recalls that Mr Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk was arbitrarily detained for seven years, from April 2011 to April 2018, as a result of his arrest and subsequent conviction to 10 years in prison on lèse-majesté charges.

    The Observatory also notes that Mr Promsorn Veerathamjaree has already been convicted on three prior lèse-majesté cases. He was sentenced to prison terms in connection with his participation in pro-democracy protests in 2021. In each of those cases, he was released on bail pending appeal.

    The Observatory further recalls that the additional two years and eight months of imprisonment imposed on Anon Nampa under Article 112 bring his total prison term to 31 years, nine months, and 20 days. Mr Anon has been arbitrarily incarcerated at the Bangkok Remand Prison since his first lèse-majesté conviction on 26 September 2023. All convictions are currently under appeal, while numerous bail applications have been consistently denied. Between September 2023 and February 2026, he submitted 93 bail applications and 43 appeals against bail denial orders, all of which were rejected. The Observatory notes that Mr. Anon’s latest conviction and prison sentence followed 10 previous convictions related to his public statements and his advocacy for human rights and democratic reforms in Thailand.

    The Observatory points out that on 9 July 2025, Mr Anon Nampa was sentenced for the 10th time to two years in prison under Article 112 and four months under Article 116 of the Criminal Code (sedition) in connection with a speech he delivered at a protest in front of Parliament in Bangkok on 17 November 2020.

    According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights, between 19 November 2020 and 20 February 2026, at least 291 people, including numerous human rights defenders and 20 minors, were charged under Article 112 of the Criminal Code. Sixteen were reportedly detained pending trial or appeal, and 18 others were serving prison sentences. The systematic abuse of Articles 112 and 116 against peaceful critics and protesters reflects a broader pattern of judicial harassment and a shrinking civic space in Thailand.

    The Observatory recalls that Thailand is a State party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Articles 9 and 14 of the ICCPR guarantee the rights to liberty and to a fair trial, while Articles 19, 21, and 22 protect the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. Any restriction must be strictly necessary and proportionate. The imposition of lengthy prison sentences for peaceful criticism of public institutions is incompatible with these obligations.

    The Observatory considers that the conviction and continued arbitrary detention of Anon Nampa and the conviction of Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjaree, appear to be solely aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities and the peaceful exercise of their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, in violation of international human rights law.

    The Observatory calls on the Thai authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Anon Nampa, and to ensure that Pimsiri Petchnamrob, Somyot Phrueksakasemsuk, and Promsorn Veerathamjareeis are not subjected to arbitrary detention, as well as to release all other arbitrarily detained human rights defenders in the country, and to put an end to all forms of judicial harassment against them.

    ]]>         Uganda: Arbitrary arrest and pre-trial detention of eight environmental rights defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/uganda-arbitrary-arrest-and-pre-trial-detention-of-eight-environmental-rights-defenders/ Mon, 26 Jan 2026 17:11:46 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24358 Dorothy Asio, Teopisita Nakyabande and Shammy Nalwadda, and Messrs Noah Katiti, Akram Katende, Ismail Zziwa, Shafik Kalyango, and Ali Keisha. These eight defenders are among a group of 12 environmental activists who were initially arrested on 1 August 2025. Of those defenders, four were released in November 2025 after pleading guilty but their charges remain. The defenders are students from universities in Kampala and Wakiso Districts, and members and part of the Students Against EACOP Uganda movement, which opposes the construction of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), a major project by TotalEnergies that threatens the ecosystem, wildlife existence, and local communities’ rights. On 6 January 2026, the bail application of the above-mentioned eight activists was heard by the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court. Once again, the magistrate ruled that the matter was at an “advanced stage” and could only ensure an expeditious hearing of the defense. The hearings were initially adjourned to 14 and 16 January 2026, the latter of which was declared a public holiday to accommodate the national general elections. On 14 January, the case was adjourned for a second time to 19 January. However, on 19 January, we were informed that the activists had not been brought to court. The newly assigned magistrate further adjourned the case again to 12 February 2026 at 11:00, citing this as the earliest available date. A warrant was also issued for the detainees. The activists will therefore be detained until this date. The Observatory further recalls that on 1 August 2025, the activists were arrested during a peaceful protest in front of Stanbic Bank Head Office, Kampala, holding placards and banners with the words “Stop EACOP Uganda”. They were charged under Section 65(e) of the Road Act Cap. 346 for “nuisance on roads” and remanded to Luzira Maximum Security Prison, where eight of them remain detained at the time of publication of this Urgent Appeal. The Observatory recalls that all previous bail applications were denied by the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court on 18 August, 5 September, 1 October, and 16 October 2025. The court justified the denials on the grounds that some of the activists were repeat protestors and that the proceedings were already at an « advanced stage ». These incidents illustrate a persistent pattern of harassment targeting those opposing EACOP and defending environmental and human rights. Environmental rights defenders in Uganda have, in recent years, repeatedly faced arbitrary arrests, judicial harassment, and torture. For example, on 9 August 2024, 47 students were arrested in Kampala during a peaceful protest against the EACOP project. Between May and June 2024, environmental activists like Adriko Sostein, Julius Tumwiine, and Stephen Kwikiriza were arrested and arbitrarily detained, as well as Bob Barigye, Noah Katiiti, Newton Mwesigwa, Julius Byaruhanga, Desire Ndyamwesigwa, Raymond Binntukwanga, and Jealousy Mugisha Mulimbwa. Lawyer Eron Kiiza, known for his advocacy for environmental protection and rule of law, has also been targeted and detained. In April 2025, 11 environmental defenders, known as #KCB11 were arbitrarily arrested and detained following a peaceful protest denouncing the Kenyan Commercial Bank’s decision to fund EACOP. In October 2024, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders sent a letter to the Ugandan government, raising concern about the increasing harassment of activists opposing the EACOP, particularly Students for Global Democracy. These arbitrary arrests and detentions, and acts of judicial harassment, are part of a persistent and intensive repressive trend - especially ahead of the general elections held on 15 January 2026 - targeting environmental and human rights defenders and affected communities in the context of oil development projects in Uganda. This highlights a broader pattern of silencing and undermining the fundamental freedoms of peaceful assembly and expression guaranteed under Article 29 of the Constitution of Uganda and Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The Observatory strongly condemns the continued judicial harassment and the ongoing pre-trial arbitrary detention of the above-mentioned eight young climate rights defenders since 1 August 2025, which appears to be an act of reprisal for their legitimate human rights activities. The Observatory urges the Ugandan authorities to ensure their immediate and unconditional release, and put an end to any act of harassment, including at the judicial level, against them and all the human rights defenders in Uganda. The Observatory also urges the Ugandan authorities to respect the rights of the defense as recognised by international instruments and to guarantee to the 12 climate rights defenders an impartial and independent trial.]]> Dorothy Asio, Teopisita Nakyabande and Shammy Nalwadda, and Messrs Noah Katiti, Akram Katende, Ismail Zziwa, Shafik Kalyango, and Ali Keisha. These eight defenders are among a group of 12 environmental activists who were initially arrested on 1 August 2025. Of those defenders, four were released in November 2025 after pleading guilty but their charges remain. The defenders are students from universities in Kampala and Wakiso Districts, and members and part of the Students Against EACOP Uganda movement, which opposes the construction of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), a major project by TotalEnergies that threatens the ecosystem, wildlife existence, and local communities’ rights. On 6 January 2026, the bail application of the above-mentioned eight activists was heard by the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court. Once again, the magistrate ruled that the matter was at an “advanced stage” and could only ensure an expeditious hearing of the defense. The hearings were initially adjourned to 14 and 16 January 2026, the latter of which was declared a public holiday to accommodate the national general elections. On 14 January, the case was adjourned for a second time to 19 January. However, on 19 January, we were informed that the activists had not been brought to court. The newly assigned magistrate further adjourned the case again to 12 February 2026 at 11:00, citing this as the earliest available date. A warrant was also issued for the detainees. The activists will therefore be detained until this date. The Observatory further recalls that on 1 August 2025, the activists were arrested during a peaceful protest in front of Stanbic Bank Head Office, Kampala, holding placards and banners with the words “Stop EACOP Uganda”. They were charged under Section 65(e) of the Road Act Cap. 346 for “nuisance on roads” and remanded to Luzira Maximum Security Prison, where eight of them remain detained at the time of publication of this Urgent Appeal. The Observatory recalls that all previous bail applications were denied by the Buganda Road Chief Magistrate’s Court on 18 August, 5 September, 1 October, and 16 October 2025. The court justified the denials on the grounds that some of the activists were repeat protestors and that the proceedings were already at an « advanced stage ». These incidents illustrate a persistent pattern of harassment targeting those opposing EACOP and defending environmental and human rights. Environmental rights defenders in Uganda have, in recent years, repeatedly faced arbitrary arrests, judicial harassment, and torture. For example, on 9 August 2024, 47 students were arrested in Kampala during a peaceful protest against the EACOP project. Between May and June 2024, environmental activists like Adriko Sostein, Julius Tumwiine, and Stephen Kwikiriza were arrested and arbitrarily detained, as well as Bob Barigye, Noah Katiiti, Newton Mwesigwa, Julius Byaruhanga, Desire Ndyamwesigwa, Raymond Binntukwanga, and Jealousy Mugisha Mulimbwa. Lawyer Eron Kiiza, known for his advocacy for environmental protection and rule of law, has also been targeted and detained. In April 2025, 11 environmental defenders, known as #KCB11 were arbitrarily arrested and detained following a peaceful protest denouncing the Kenyan Commercial Bank’s decision to fund EACOP. In October 2024, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders sent a letter to the Ugandan government, raising concern about the increasing harassment of activists opposing the EACOP, particularly Students for Global Democracy. These arbitrary arrests and detentions, and acts of judicial harassment, are part of a persistent and intensive repressive trend - especially ahead of the general elections held on 15 January 2026 - targeting environmental and human rights defenders and affected communities in the context of oil development projects in Uganda. This highlights a broader pattern of silencing and undermining the fundamental freedoms of peaceful assembly and expression guaranteed under Article 29 of the Constitution of Uganda and Articles 19 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The Observatory strongly condemns the continued judicial harassment and the ongoing pre-trial arbitrary detention of the above-mentioned eight young climate rights defenders since 1 August 2025, which appears to be an act of reprisal for their legitimate human rights activities. The Observatory urges the Ugandan authorities to ensure their immediate and unconditional release, and put an end to any act of harassment, including at the judicial level, against them and all the human rights defenders in Uganda. The Observatory also urges the Ugandan authorities to respect the rights of the defense as recognised by international instruments and to guarantee to the 12 climate rights defenders an impartial and independent trial.]]> Iran: Narges Mohammadi, several other human rights defenders arbitrarily arrested in massive crackdown https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/iran-narges-mohammadi-several-other-human-rights-defenders-arbitrarily-arrested-in-massive-crackdown/ Thu, 18 Dec 2025 13:23:12 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24278 Paris-Geneva, 18 December 2025 – More than 50 people were arrested, including five women human rights defenders, while they were taking part in a memorial ceremony honouring a recently deceased fellow human rights defender. The Observatory (FIDH-OMCT) and the League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran (LDDHI) strongly condemn these new arrests and call on the Iranian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily detained, including human rights defenders. On 12 December 2025, more than 50 people were arbitrarily arrested by plainclothes agents of the Ministry of Intelligence and the Intelligence Unit of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) using batons and tear gas canisters in the city of Mashhad, Razavi Khorasan Province, at a memorial honouring human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi, who died on 5 December 2025 under suspicious circumstances. Detainees include: journalist, spokesperson of Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC), and 2023 Nobel Peace laureate Narges Mohammadi; documentary filmmaker and vice-president of the Iranian Association for Defence of Press Freedom Alieh Motallebzadeh; labour rights activist and freelance journalist Sepideh Gholian; students’ rights activist Hasti Amiri; writer and civil rights activist Pooran Nazemi; human rights lawyer Javad Alikordi, brother of the deceased; two other lawyers; family members of victims of post September 2022 protests; and several members of Khosrow Alikordi’s family. A few of the arrested people have been released on bail, while the Mashhad prosecutor confirmed the detention of 39 persons. Some of the detainees are being held in Mashhad’s Vakilabad prison, some others in Mashhad’s Soroush detention centre. The whereabouts of others remain unknown. Narges Mohammadi, Sepideh Gholian, Javad Alikordi‎ and a number of other detainees have been charged with “spreading propaganda against the system” and “assembly and collusion against national security”. Some of the cases have been referred to Branch 902 of Mashhad Justice Department, including that of Narges Mohammadi, and some others to Branch 901. Detaining agents also accused Narges Mohammadi of “collaborating with Israel.” Narges Mohammadi was able to call her family and reported that she was violently beaten with batons and sticks on the head and neck by security forces during her arrest, and was taken to the hospital twice since her detention due to the injuries she suffered. Sepideh Gholian and Pooran Nazemi were also beaten during their arrest, according to eyewitnesses. The Observatory and LDDHI recall that Narges Mohammadi had been released in December 2024, under a three-week temporary medical leave, which was extended as she was undergoing medical treatment. Prior to her temporary release, Narges Mohammadi had been arbitrarily detained in Tehran’s Evin prison since November 2021. During her three years of arbitrary detention, her health condition deteriorated severely, as the prison administration repeatedly denied her medical care. The Observatory and LDDHI further recall that Narges Mohammadi was brutally arrested in November 2021 while taking part in a ceremony to pay tribute to a victim killed during anti-government protests in November 2019. She was sent to Evin prison, where she was sometimes placed in solitary confinement. Since 2021, Narges Mohammadi has been sentenced while in detention to a total of 15 years and six months in prison, 154 lashes, and bans on travelling abroad, conducting political and social activities, and using smartphones. As her release in December 2024 was granted on medical grounds, if she is convicted again, she may face the enforcement of all those sentences and the remainder of any pending sentence. Between 2015 and 2020, she was arbitrarily detained in Zanjan prison, Zanjan Province, where her health deteriorated. Throughout her imprisonment, she has suffered physical assaults and sexual abuses. Alieh Motallebzadeh, Sepideh Gholian, Hasti Amiri, and Pooran Nazemi all previously served prison terms as well, and some of them have pending cases against them. Pooran Nazemi is in poor health. The Observatory and LDDHI strongly condemn the arbitrary arrest of Narges Mohammadi, Alieh Motallebzadeh, Sepideh Gholian, Hasti Amiri, Pooran Nazemi, Javad Alikordi, and all others detained at the memorial service. The Observatory and LDDHI express their utmost concern over the great risk of deterioration of the health in detention of Narges Mohammadi and Pooran Nazemi, as their conditions warrant timely and adequate medical treatment, which cannot be provided in prison due to the deplorable sanitary conditions, as evidenced during their previous detentions. The Observatory and LDDHI urge the Iranian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Narges Mohammadi, Alieh Motallebzadeh, Sepideh Gholian, Hasti Amiri, Pooran Nazemi, Javad Alikordi, and all other human rights defenders and activists arbitrarily detained, including women human rights defenders, who are deprived of their liberty solely because of their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities. The signatories further urge the Iranian authorities to provide Ms Mohammadi, Ms Nazemi, and any other detainee in need, with timely and adequate medical care while they remain detained.]]> Paris-Geneva, 18 December 2025 – More than 50 people were arrested, including five women human rights defenders, while they were taking part in a memorial ceremony honouring a recently deceased fellow human rights defender. The Observatory (FIDH-OMCT) and the League for the Defence of Human Rights in Iran (LDDHI) strongly condemn these new arrests and call on the Iranian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all those arbitrarily detained, including human rights defenders. On 12 December 2025, more than 50 people were arbitrarily arrested by plainclothes agents of the Ministry of Intelligence and the Intelligence Unit of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) using batons and tear gas canisters in the city of Mashhad, Razavi Khorasan Province, at a memorial honouring human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi, who died on 5 December 2025 under suspicious circumstances. Detainees include: journalist, spokesperson of Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC), and 2023 Nobel Peace laureate Narges Mohammadi; documentary filmmaker and vice-president of the Iranian Association for Defence of Press Freedom Alieh Motallebzadeh; labour rights activist and freelance journalist Sepideh Gholian; students’ rights activist Hasti Amiri; writer and civil rights activist Pooran Nazemi; human rights lawyer Javad Alikordi, brother of the deceased; two other lawyers; family members of victims of post September 2022 protests; and several members of Khosrow Alikordi’s family. A few of the arrested people have been released on bail, while the Mashhad prosecutor confirmed the detention of 39 persons. Some of the detainees are being held in Mashhad’s Vakilabad prison, some others in Mashhad’s Soroush detention centre. The whereabouts of others remain unknown. Narges Mohammadi, Sepideh Gholian, Javad Alikordi‎ and a number of other detainees have been charged with “spreading propaganda against the system” and “assembly and collusion against national security”. Some of the cases have been referred to Branch 902 of Mashhad Justice Department, including that of Narges Mohammadi, and some others to Branch 901. Detaining agents also accused Narges Mohammadi of “collaborating with Israel.” Narges Mohammadi was able to call her family and reported that she was violently beaten with batons and sticks on the head and neck by security forces during her arrest, and was taken to the hospital twice since her detention due to the injuries she suffered. Sepideh Gholian and Pooran Nazemi were also beaten during their arrest, according to eyewitnesses. The Observatory and LDDHI recall that Narges Mohammadi had been released in December 2024, under a three-week temporary medical leave, which was extended as she was undergoing medical treatment. Prior to her temporary release, Narges Mohammadi had been arbitrarily detained in Tehran’s Evin prison since November 2021. During her three years of arbitrary detention, her health condition deteriorated severely, as the prison administration repeatedly denied her medical care. The Observatory and LDDHI further recall that Narges Mohammadi was brutally arrested in November 2021 while taking part in a ceremony to pay tribute to a victim killed during anti-government protests in November 2019. She was sent to Evin prison, where she was sometimes placed in solitary confinement. Since 2021, Narges Mohammadi has been sentenced while in detention to a total of 15 years and six months in prison, 154 lashes, and bans on travelling abroad, conducting political and social activities, and using smartphones. As her release in December 2024 was granted on medical grounds, if she is convicted again, she may face the enforcement of all those sentences and the remainder of any pending sentence. Between 2015 and 2020, she was arbitrarily detained in Zanjan prison, Zanjan Province, where her health deteriorated. Throughout her imprisonment, she has suffered physical assaults and sexual abuses. Alieh Motallebzadeh, Sepideh Gholian, Hasti Amiri, and Pooran Nazemi all previously served prison terms as well, and some of them have pending cases against them. Pooran Nazemi is in poor health. The Observatory and LDDHI strongly condemn the arbitrary arrest of Narges Mohammadi, Alieh Motallebzadeh, Sepideh Gholian, Hasti Amiri, Pooran Nazemi, Javad Alikordi, and all others detained at the memorial service. The Observatory and LDDHI express their utmost concern over the great risk of deterioration of the health in detention of Narges Mohammadi and Pooran Nazemi, as their conditions warrant timely and adequate medical treatment, which cannot be provided in prison due to the deplorable sanitary conditions, as evidenced during their previous detentions. The Observatory and LDDHI urge the Iranian authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Narges Mohammadi, Alieh Motallebzadeh, Sepideh Gholian, Hasti Amiri, Pooran Nazemi, Javad Alikordi, and all other human rights defenders and activists arbitrarily detained, including women human rights defenders, who are deprived of their liberty solely because of their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities. The signatories further urge the Iranian authorities to provide Ms Mohammadi, Ms Nazemi, and any other detainee in need, with timely and adequate medical care while they remain detained.]]> Tanzania: Joint call to prevent a further deterioration of the human rights situation and ensuring accountability for the post-election crackdown https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/tanzania-joint-call-to-prevent-a-further-deterioration-of-the-human-rights-situation-and-ensuring-accountability-for-the-post-election-crackdown/ Tue, 09 Dec 2025 11:52:36 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24228 5 December 2025 Tanzania: multilateral engagement is key to preventing a further deterioration of the human rights situation and ensuring accountability for the post-election crackdown Your Excellencies, Following the Tanzanian authorities’ brutal response to widespread pro­tests that took place in the aftermath of the 29 October 2025 presidential and legislative elections, and in light of the ongoing crackdown on dissenting voices and of risks of further violence, we, the undersigned civil society or­­ga­nisations, urge Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council to enhance their engagement with the United Repu­blic of Tanzania and take action to prevent further abuses. In line with the Council’s prevention man­date, as expressed in particular in Council resolution 45/31, the Council should hold a debate following a public brie­fing by the UN High Commissioner for Hu­man Rights. If needed, stronger action could follow, including the convening of a special session of the Council to address the deteriorating human rights situation in Tanzania. On and in the aftermath of the 29 October 2025 elections, which, according to the Sou­thern African De­ve­lopment Community (SADC) Electoral Observation Mission (SEOM), took place in conditions that “fell short of the requirements of the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections” and in which “voters could not express their democratic will,” [1] and saw the incumbent President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, secure 97.66% of the votes, [2] wide­spread pro­tests broke out across Tanzania. In its preliminary report, the African Union Election Observer Mission (AUEOM) noted that the Tanzania elections “did not comply with AU principles, normative frameworks, and other international obligations and standards for democratic elections.” Despite challenges in verifying the number of people affected, including because of a govern­ment-imposed lockdown, media restrictions, and internet and elec­tricity shut­downs, regional and international bodies have raised concerns about the large number of fatalities. Credible reports point to hundreds of people kill­ed by police and unidentified security personnel in the economic ca­­pital, Dar es Salaam, and several Tanzanian regions from 29 October to 2 November 2025. [3] The actual figures could be higher. Autho­ri­ties have deliberately prevented journalists from reporting on elections and protests. In late October and early November 2025, Tanzanian police and security forces and individuals in plain clothes assaulted, tear-gassed, and arbitrarily arrested people, including children, leading to hundreds being charged with treason. They used excessive and lethal force, inc­lu­ding live ammunition, to disperse protests and target people they regarded as violating “stay-at-home” orders. In some cases, victims appear to have been shot in the back or in the head despite posing no threat to public order or the security of others. Some victims were also shot and killed in their homes. There have been reports of enforced disappearances and of secu­rity forces “removing bodies from streets and hospitals and taking them to undisclosed locations in an apparent attempt to conceal evidence.” [4] A CNN inves­ti­gation suggested the existence of mass graves. [5] While some protesters engaged in violence, and authorities have a responsibility to maintain secu­rity, under no cir­cum­stances may State authorities subject protesters to excessive force or indiscriminately use fire­arms against protesters. [6] In addition to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and SADC, who have expressed deep con­cerns over the loss of life and injuries in Tanzania, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) underscored that acts attributable to the Tanzanian authorities, if confirmed, “would constitute very grave violations of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights […].” It condemned the “dete­riorating human rights situation in Tanzania” and called on the government to “prioritise de-es­calating the […] situation [and] ensuring that security forces refrain from using disproportionate force […]." [7] Civil society organisations have also highlighted that the use of live ammunition against protesters is un­acceptable and that Tanzanian authorities should end the use of excessive and lethal force against pro­tests and ensure justice and accountability for the violations, including election-related killings. [8] As of 18 No­vem­ber 2025, pre­liminary findings following a fact-finding mission conducted by the Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC), the Tanganyika Law Society (TLS) and the Legal and Hu­man Rights Centre (LHRC) showed that over 700 people had been taken to court from at least nine regions. The organisations docu­men­ted serious procedural irregularities, including arbitrary arrests, individuals rounded up while con­duc­ting normal income-earning activities, and the presence of children among those detained. [9] These violations took place in the context of a broader crackdown on civic space and the rule of law, which intensified in the run-up to the October 2025 elections. The electoral campaign was marred by ar­bitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and other violations against dis­senting voices and opposition mem­bers and sup­por­ters. In April 2025, the authorities arrested Tundu Lissu, the leader of the main opposition party, CHADEMA, during a rally. He has been on trial on fabricated charges, including treason, which is non-bailable and carries the death penalty. Authorities bar­red CHADEMA and presidential candidate Luhaga Mpina of Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT-Wazalendo) from participating in the elections. [10] In a joint communication by UN special procedures, in July 2025, several mandate-holders raised concerns over the escalating human rights crisis with the reported disappearance of over 200 people in Tanzania, including the violent abduction of activists and opposition leaders. [11] The communication made reference to the growing transnational repression, which saw the abduction and reported sexual torture of a Kenyan activist, Boniface Mwangi, and a Ugandan journalist, Agather Atuhaire, as they were visiting the country to attend the treason trial of Tundu Lissu. In a reso­lution released in August 2025, the ACHPR expressed deep concerns about human rights vio­la­tions oc­curring in the election context, the violent repression of rallies and other public assemblies, and restrictions on access to information. It also condemned the deportation of the former Minister of Justice and former Chief Justice of Kenya, and the arbitrary detention and mistreatment of human rights activists. [12] During the Human Rights Council’s 59th and 60th regular sessions, DefendDefenders raised the alarm over the situation in Tan­zania. It condemned enforced disappearances and attacks on civic space; the arrests, detentions and deportations of former officials and activists (and attacks on the latter) who had travelled to Tanzania to attend a court case; as well as abuses against Tanzanians who attempted to attend court hear­ings in Tundu Lissu’s case. The organisation warned: “With elections approaching, risk factors of vio­lations are multiplying. […] Tanzania is too big to fail, and East Africa cannot afford another major human rights crisis.” [13] In a briefing published in October 2025, Amnesty International highlighted how Tanzania’s legal system lacked safeguards to protect political actors and other people from state abuse. In the run up to the elections, Amnesty International noted, authorities in Tanzania had passed laws and regulations that, while framed as administrative or protective reforms, collectively served to constrain political opposition, suppress pea­ce­ful dissent, and expand restrictions on human rights, including the rights to freedom of expression, asso­ciation and peaceful assembly. [14] Analysts and observers also raised concerns over the environment in which the 2025 elections were about to take place, pointing to flaws in the 2024 electoral reform against a backdrop of unaddressed grievances related to the absence of a level playing field – which led the main oppo­sition party, CHADEMA, to refuse to recognise results of elections that took place since 2005. [15] In the November 2024 local elections, the ruling CCM party won 98% of the seats. In fact, after an initial period of opening that followed President Hassan’s assumption of office, in 2021, during which she issued public signals in favour of freedom of expression, freedom of the media, and civil society, con­cerns had been mounting over the repression of independent and opposition voices and es­ca­lating authoritarian practices. In addition to grave restrictions on civic space, intimidation of dissenting voi­ces and patterns of assault and enforced disappearances targeting opposition members and supporters and journalists, civil society organisations denounced the forced evictions of Maasai Indigenous com­mu­nities from their ancestral lands in Ngorongoro district. [16] These con­cerns echoed those previously expressed by civil society, under President John Pombe Magu­fuli’s first term (2015-2020), with regard to restrictions on civic space and the rule of law, including the adoption of draconian legislation that unduly restricted the exercise of human rights and the use of legal and extrajudicial methods to harass human rights defenders, activists, journalists and other independent actors. [17] In February 2019, during a “conversation” with the Human Rights Council President and States, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet asked Council Members to “engage Tan­za­nia bilaterally on its rights situation” and urged the country to “accept visits of the Special Rapporteurs to advise on measures to protect public freedoms and other human rights concerns.” She mentioned legis­lative curbs on freedom of opinion and expression, attacks on several prominent civil society members and opposition figures, and an overall “climate [that] denies Tanzanians their rights.” [18] None of these visits took place. The current human rights crisis is of unprecedented magnitude. Beyond Tanzania, a country of 67 million people whose reputation as a beacon of sta­bility is now at risk, the stability of the whole region, including East Africa and the Great Lakes, is at stake. Major protests are planned for 9 December (Independence Day for mainland Tanga­nyika), with risks of further violence and as treason charges have been brought against hundreds of Tanza­nians, [19] including children, for their participation in peaceful protests. We remain concerned that the authorities’ response to further demonstrations be in accordance with Tanzania’s international legal obligations. With many civil society members and oppo­sition supporters having fled the country out of fear for their physical integrity, authorities are now pro­pa­ga­ting an aggres­sive and stigmatising rhetoric according to which protesters and non-governmental orga­ni­sations (NGOs) were allegedly “paid” to hold protests. The Human Rights Council should act urgently to prevent a further deterioration of Tan­zania’s human rights situ­ation and ensure justice and accountability for these serious human rights violations. The UN High Commissioner for Hu­man Rights issued an important call for prompt, impartial, effective, full and transparent investigations into the killings and other violations committed in the context of the 29 October elections, and for those suspected to be responsible to be held to account. Serious concerns exist, however, about the national commission of inquiry announced on 18 November 2025 by President Hassan. The commission’s mandate or terms of reference remain unclear, as the wording of the presidential statement that launched it suggests that the scope of its mandate is to “investigate events that led to ‘breaches of peace’ during and after the general elections held on 29 October 2025.” The com­mission does not seem to have a mandate to address the root causes of the human rights crisis or to include representation of civil society, international observers, religious leaders, or survivors and victims’ families. Rather, the commission includes former state officials and retired civil servants, including a former Ins­pec­tor General of Police and the Minister of Defence who was in office at the time of the violence. The com­mission has been rejected by opposition political parties [20] and civil society organisations and does not enjoy consensus. Moreover, on 20 November 2025, President Hassan delivered remarks interfering with the commission’s independence, asking it to investigate how protesters and NGOs had been “paid” to hold protests. Against this backdrop, in line with the Council’s prevention mandate and with provisions of Council resolution 45/31, in particular its operative paragraphs 6 and 7, we urge States to hold a debate fol­lowing a public briefing to the Human Rights Council by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. In this briefing, [21] the High Commissioner should bring information on patterns of human rights vio­lations committed in the United Republic of Tanzania in relation to the 2025 presidential and legislative elections to the attention of the Mem­bers and Observers of the Human Rights Council and highlight any risk of further serious human rights violations. Should the situation further deteriorate, States should consider convening a special session of the Hu­man Rights Council to address the grave human rights violations committed in the context of the Tanza­nian authorities’ crackdown on 2025 post-election protests and the rule of law. Action taken at such a special ses­sion, including in the form of a resolution, should focus on the need for prompt, thorough, independent, impartial, transparent and effective inves­tigations into the allegations of human rights violations, and for justice and accountability. We thank you for your attention to these pressing human rights issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.

    Footnotes

    [1] “Preliminary Statement by the Right Honourable Richard Msowoya, Former Speaker of Parliament of the Republic of Malawi and Head of the SADC Electoral Observation Mission (SEOM) to the 2025 General Election of the United Republic of Tanzania,” 3 Nov­em­ber 2025 (see Conclusion). [2] Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), whose leader, Tundu Lissu, was charged with “treason” in April 2025 after his arrest at a public rally where he called for electoral reforms and has been detained since, urged its supporters not to participate in the 2025 elections. [3] See Human Rights Watch, “Tanzania: Killings, Crackdown Follow Disputed Elections,” 4 November 2025, https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/11/04/tanzania-killings-crackdown-follow-disputed-elections; UN News, “Tanzania: Reports of hundreds killed and detained following deadly election violence,” 11 November 2025, https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/11/1166334 (accessed on 27 November 2025). [4] Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), “Tanzania: Deaths and injuries amid election-related protests,” 31 October 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-briefing-notes/2025/10/tanzania-deaths-and-injuries-amid-election-related-protests; “Tanzania: Election-related killings and other violations must be investigated – Türk,” 11 November 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/11/tanzania-election-related-killings-and-other-violations-must-be-investigated (accessed on 19 November 2025). [5] CNN, “‘Oh my God, this is our Tanzania’: CNN investigation shows police fatally shooting protesters, signs of mass graves,” 21 November 2025, https://edition.cnn.com/2025/11/21/africa/tanzania-police-shooting-protesters-deadly-election-intl-invs (accessed on 21 November 2025). [6] While protesters who resort to violence forfeit their rights in relation to peaceful assembly, they do not lose other human rights, such as the right to life or to be free from torture. State authorities must at all times distinguish between protesters based on their in­dividual behaviour, protect peaceful protesters, and avoid collective punishment. Peaceful protesters must not be punished for the behaviour of others. Lethal force must only be used when it is strictly necessary to protect life or prevent serious injury from an im­minent threat. It must not be used indiscriminately. Firearms must never be used simply to disperse an assembly, and they must never be used indiscriminately or in automatic mode (see DefendDefenders, “‘They won’t silence the people’: The right to peaceful pro­test in Africa in 2025,” 4 November 2025, https://defenddefenders.org/they-wont-silence-the-people-the-right-to-peaceful-protest-in-africa-in-2025-with-substantive-case-studies-on-mozambique-senegal-tunisia-and-uganda/ (accessed on 20 November 2025)). [7] ACHPR, “Press release on the human rights situation in the United Republic of Tanzania,” 1 November 2025, https://achpr.au.int/en/news/press-releases/2025-11-01/human-rights-situation-tanzania (accessed on 20 November 2025). [8] See Human Rights Watch, “Tanzania: Killings, Crackdown Follow Disputed Elections,” op. cit.; Amnesty International, “Tanzania: Authorities must investigate police use of force against election day protesters,” 29 October 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/10/tanzania-authorities-must-investigate-police-use-of-force-against-election-day-protesters/; “Tanzania: Unlawful killings and other human rights violations continue amid internet and electricity blackouts,” 3 November 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/11/tanzania-unlawful-killings-and-other-human-rights-violations-continue-amid-internet-and-electricity-blackouts/ (accessed on 19 November 2025). [9] Via Jambo TV, X post (18 Nov. 2025), https://x.com/Jambotv_/status/1990876046720381009 (accessed on 20 November 2025). Dr. Juma Homera, Tanzania’s Minister for Constitution and Legal Affairs, disclosed that a total of 2,045 people were rounded up du­ring and following demonstrations across various parts of the country. Speaking on 26 November 2025, during a visit to the Di­rec­tor of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Office in Dodoma, Dr. Homera said that of the total number of detainees, 1,736 individuals were set to be released following a presidential directive. President Hassan instructed the DPP to review cases of those who com­plied with legal procedures and recommend their release during a speech to Parliament. [10] In the lead-up to the elections, Tundu Lissu’s deputy, John Heche, was violently manhandled while at­tempt­ing to attend the on­going treason trial. He had previously been banned from traveling into Kenya to attend a funeral. On 7 November 2025, the Tanza­nian police published an arrest warrant for ten leaders of CHADEMA and started rounding them up in Dar es Salaam, Arusha, and other cities. Since then, several of the party leaders have fled into neighbouring Kenya and other countries to avoid reprisals (see The Chanzo, “CHADEMA’s John Heche Arrested in Dar, Moved to Tarime to Face Undisclosed Charges,” 22 October 2025, https://thechanzo.com/2025/10/22/chademas-john-heche-arrested-in-dar-moved-to-tarime-to-face-undisclosed-charges/; DW Africa, “Tanzanian police have issued arrest warrants for ten opposition leaders […],” 8 November 2025, https://www.tiktok.com/@dw.africa/video/7570368148512460044 (accessed on 2 December 2025). [11] Communication no. AL TZA 4/2025, 14 July 2025, available at: https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=30158 Also see “Tanzania: UN Experts alarmed by pattern of enforced disappearance and torture to silence opposition and critics,” 13 June 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/06/tanzania-un-experts-alarmed-pattern-enforced-disappearance-and-torture (accessed on 2 December 2025). [12] ACHPR, “Resolution on the Human Rights Situation in the United Republic of Tanzania; ACHPR/Res.640 (LXXXIV) 2025,” 6 August 2025, https://achpr.au.int/en/adopted-resolutions/640-achprres640-lxxxiv-2025 (accessed on 19 November 2025). The European Parliament also adopted a resolution on the escalating crackdown on independent actors and the political opposition (“Arrest and risk of execution of Tundu Lissu, Chair of Chadema, the main opposition party in Tanzania – European Parliament reso­lution of 8 May 2025 on the arrest and risk of execution of Tundu Lissu, Chair of Chadema, the main opposition party in Tan­za­nia (2025/2690(RSP)). See also Human Rights Watch, “Tanzania: Deepening Repression Threatens Elections,” 29 September 2025, https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/09/29/tanzania-deepening-repression-threatens-elections; Amnesty International, “Tanzania: Authorities instil climate of fear and step up repression ahead of general elections,” 20 October 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/10/tanzania-authorities-instil-climate-of-fear-and-step-up-repression-ahead-of-general-elections/ (accessed on 20 November 2025). [13] DefendDefenders, “DefendDefenders’ oral statements at HRC59,” https://defenddefenders.org/oral-statements-hrc59/ (“Item 2: Interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s annual report (17 June 2025)”); “DefendDefenders’ oral statements at HRC60,” https://defenddefenders.org/oral-statements-hrc60/ (“Item 2: General debate (10 September 2025)”) (accessed on 20 November 2025). [14] Amnesty International, “Tanzania: Unopposed, unchecked, unjust ‘Wave of Terror’ sweeps Tanzania ahead of 2025 vote,” 20 October 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr56/0376/2025/en/ (accessed on 27 November 2025). [15] For background, see LHRC, “LHRC Urges Government Action on Electoral Reform,” 4 April 2024, https://humanrights.or.tz/en/news-events/electoral_reforms (accessed on 20 November 2025). [16] “‘It’s Like Killing Culture’: Human Rights Impacts of Relocating Tanzania’s Maasai,” 31 July 2024, https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/07/31/its-killing-culture/human-rights-impacts-relocating-tanzanias-maasai (accessed on 21 November 2025). [17] See DefendDefenders, “Spreading Fear, Asserting Control: Tanzania’s assault on civic space,” 26 June 2018, https://defenddefenders.org/spreading-fear-asserting-control-tanzanias-assault-on-civic-space/; DefendDefenders et al., “HRC39: Address crackdown on civic space in Tanzania,” 16 August 2018, https://defenddefenders.org/hrc39-address-crackdown-on-civic-space-in-tanzania/; Joint NGO letter, “Tanzania: Systematic restrictions on fundamental freedoms in the run-up to national elections,” 22 October 2020, https://defenddefenders.org/tanzania-systematic-restrictions-on-fundamental-freedoms-in-the-run-up-to-national-elections/ (accessed on 20 November 2025). [18] See DefendDefenders et al., “Tanzania: 38 NGOs call on states to express concern over the human rights situation,” 13 May 2019, https://defenddefenders.org/tanzania-38-ngos-call-on-states-to-express-concern-over-the-human-rights-situation/ (accessed on 20 November 2025). [19] ABC, “Tanzania charges hundreds with treason, issues arrest warrants for opposition figures,” 8 November 2025, https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/tanzania-charges-hundreds-treason-issues-arrest-warrants-opposition-127327758 (accessed on 20 November 2025). [20] On 19 November 2025, CHADEMA rejected the commission and instead called for the establishment of an independent inter­national commission “with the capacity, professionalism, credibility, and authority to conduct a thorough and impartial inves­ti­ga­tion” into violations. ACT-Wazalendo also dismissed the national commission as “a mockery, not justice.” [21] The High Commissioner has a universal mandate, which means that he has the ability to monitor and report on the human rights situation in all countries. He also has a duty to report on grave violations and on human rights emergencies and crises. He does not require a Council resolution to do so, and he can present information his Office gathers to UN Member States in the framework of public briefings and informal conversations, outside of Human Rights Council sessions.]]>     5 December 2025 Tanzania: multilateral engagement is key to preventing a further deterioration of the human rights situation and ensuring accountability for the post-election crackdown Your Excellencies, Following the Tanzanian authorities’ brutal response to widespread pro­tests that took place in the aftermath of the 29 October 2025 presidential and legislative elections, and in light of the ongoing crackdown on dissenting voices and of risks of further violence, we, the undersigned civil society or­­ga­nisations, urge Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council to enhance their engagement with the United Repu­blic of Tanzania and take action to prevent further abuses. In line with the Council’s prevention man­date, as expressed in particular in Council resolution 45/31, the Council should hold a debate following a public brie­fing by the UN High Commissioner for Hu­man Rights. If needed, stronger action could follow, including the convening of a special session of the Council to address the deteriorating human rights situation in Tanzania. On and in the aftermath of the 29 October 2025 elections, which, according to the Sou­thern African De­ve­lopment Community (SADC) Electoral Observation Mission (SEOM), took place in conditions that “fell short of the requirements of the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections” and in which “voters could not express their democratic will,” [1] and saw the incumbent President, Samia Suluhu Hassan, of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, secure 97.66% of the votes, [2] wide­spread pro­tests broke out across Tanzania. In its preliminary report, the African Union Election Observer Mission (AUEOM) noted that the Tanzania elections “did not comply with AU principles, normative frameworks, and other international obligations and standards for democratic elections.” Despite challenges in verifying the number of people affected, including because of a govern­ment-imposed lockdown, media restrictions, and internet and elec­tricity shut­downs, regional and international bodies have raised concerns about the large number of fatalities. Credible reports point to hundreds of people kill­ed by police and unidentified security personnel in the economic ca­­pital, Dar es Salaam, and several Tanzanian regions from 29 October to 2 November 2025. [3] The actual figures could be higher. Autho­ri­ties have deliberately prevented journalists from reporting on elections and protests. In late October and early November 2025, Tanzanian police and security forces and individuals in plain clothes assaulted, tear-gassed, and arbitrarily arrested people, including children, leading to hundreds being charged with treason. They used excessive and lethal force, inc­lu­ding live ammunition, to disperse protests and target people they regarded as violating “stay-at-home” orders. In some cases, victims appear to have been shot in the back or in the head despite posing no threat to public order or the security of others. Some victims were also shot and killed in their homes. There have been reports of enforced disappearances and of secu­rity forces “removing bodies from streets and hospitals and taking them to undisclosed locations in an apparent attempt to conceal evidence.” [4] A CNN inves­ti­gation suggested the existence of mass graves. [5] While some protesters engaged in violence, and authorities have a responsibility to maintain secu­rity, under no cir­cum­stances may State authorities subject protesters to excessive force or indiscriminately use fire­arms against protesters. [6] In addition to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and SADC, who have expressed deep con­cerns over the loss of life and injuries in Tanzania, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) underscored that acts attributable to the Tanzanian authorities, if confirmed, “would constitute very grave violations of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights […].” It condemned the “dete­riorating human rights situation in Tanzania” and called on the government to “prioritise de-es­calating the […] situation [and] ensuring that security forces refrain from using disproportionate force […]." [7] Civil society organisations have also highlighted that the use of live ammunition against protesters is un­acceptable and that Tanzanian authorities should end the use of excessive and lethal force against pro­tests and ensure justice and accountability for the violations, including election-related killings. [8] As of 18 No­vem­ber 2025, pre­liminary findings following a fact-finding mission conducted by the Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC), the Tanganyika Law Society (TLS) and the Legal and Hu­man Rights Centre (LHRC) showed that over 700 people had been taken to court from at least nine regions. The organisations docu­men­ted serious procedural irregularities, including arbitrary arrests, individuals rounded up while con­duc­ting normal income-earning activities, and the presence of children among those detained. [9] These violations took place in the context of a broader crackdown on civic space and the rule of law, which intensified in the run-up to the October 2025 elections. The electoral campaign was marred by ar­bitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and other violations against dis­senting voices and opposition mem­bers and sup­por­ters. In April 2025, the authorities arrested Tundu Lissu, the leader of the main opposition party, CHADEMA, during a rally. He has been on trial on fabricated charges, including treason, which is non-bailable and carries the death penalty. Authorities bar­red CHADEMA and presidential candidate Luhaga Mpina of Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT-Wazalendo) from participating in the elections. [10] In a joint communication by UN special procedures, in July 2025, several mandate-holders raised concerns over the escalating human rights crisis with the reported disappearance of over 200 people in Tanzania, including the violent abduction of activists and opposition leaders. [11] The communication made reference to the growing transnational repression, which saw the abduction and reported sexual torture of a Kenyan activist, Boniface Mwangi, and a Ugandan journalist, Agather Atuhaire, as they were visiting the country to attend the treason trial of Tundu Lissu. In a reso­lution released in August 2025, the ACHPR expressed deep concerns about human rights vio­la­tions oc­curring in the election context, the violent repression of rallies and other public assemblies, and restrictions on access to information. It also condemned the deportation of the former Minister of Justice and former Chief Justice of Kenya, and the arbitrary detention and mistreatment of human rights activists. [12] During the Human Rights Council’s 59th and 60th regular sessions, DefendDefenders raised the alarm over the situation in Tan­zania. It condemned enforced disappearances and attacks on civic space; the arrests, detentions and deportations of former officials and activists (and attacks on the latter) who had travelled to Tanzania to attend a court case; as well as abuses against Tanzanians who attempted to attend court hear­ings in Tundu Lissu’s case. The organisation warned: “With elections approaching, risk factors of vio­lations are multiplying. […] Tanzania is too big to fail, and East Africa cannot afford another major human rights crisis.” [13] In a briefing published in October 2025, Amnesty International highlighted how Tanzania’s legal system lacked safeguards to protect political actors and other people from state abuse. In the run up to the elections, Amnesty International noted, authorities in Tanzania had passed laws and regulations that, while framed as administrative or protective reforms, collectively served to constrain political opposition, suppress pea­ce­ful dissent, and expand restrictions on human rights, including the rights to freedom of expression, asso­ciation and peaceful assembly. [14] Analysts and observers also raised concerns over the environment in which the 2025 elections were about to take place, pointing to flaws in the 2024 electoral reform against a backdrop of unaddressed grievances related to the absence of a level playing field – which led the main oppo­sition party, CHADEMA, to refuse to recognise results of elections that took place since 2005. [15] In the November 2024 local elections, the ruling CCM party won 98% of the seats. In fact, after an initial period of opening that followed President Hassan’s assumption of office, in 2021, during which she issued public signals in favour of freedom of expression, freedom of the media, and civil society, con­cerns had been mounting over the repression of independent and opposition voices and es­ca­lating authoritarian practices. In addition to grave restrictions on civic space, intimidation of dissenting voi­ces and patterns of assault and enforced disappearances targeting opposition members and supporters and journalists, civil society organisations denounced the forced evictions of Maasai Indigenous com­mu­nities from their ancestral lands in Ngorongoro district. [16] These con­cerns echoed those previously expressed by civil society, under President John Pombe Magu­fuli’s first term (2015-2020), with regard to restrictions on civic space and the rule of law, including the adoption of draconian legislation that unduly restricted the exercise of human rights and the use of legal and extrajudicial methods to harass human rights defenders, activists, journalists and other independent actors. [17] In February 2019, during a “conversation” with the Human Rights Council President and States, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet asked Council Members to “engage Tan­za­nia bilaterally on its rights situation” and urged the country to “accept visits of the Special Rapporteurs to advise on measures to protect public freedoms and other human rights concerns.” She mentioned legis­lative curbs on freedom of opinion and expression, attacks on several prominent civil society members and opposition figures, and an overall “climate [that] denies Tanzanians their rights.” [18] None of these visits took place. The current human rights crisis is of unprecedented magnitude. Beyond Tanzania, a country of 67 million people whose reputation as a beacon of sta­bility is now at risk, the stability of the whole region, including East Africa and the Great Lakes, is at stake. Major protests are planned for 9 December (Independence Day for mainland Tanga­nyika), with risks of further violence and as treason charges have been brought against hundreds of Tanza­nians, [19] including children, for their participation in peaceful protests. We remain concerned that the authorities’ response to further demonstrations be in accordance with Tanzania’s international legal obligations. With many civil society members and oppo­sition supporters having fled the country out of fear for their physical integrity, authorities are now pro­pa­ga­ting an aggres­sive and stigmatising rhetoric according to which protesters and non-governmental orga­ni­sations (NGOs) were allegedly “paid” to hold protests. The Human Rights Council should act urgently to prevent a further deterioration of Tan­zania’s human rights situ­ation and ensure justice and accountability for these serious human rights violations. The UN High Commissioner for Hu­man Rights issued an important call for prompt, impartial, effective, full and transparent investigations into the killings and other violations committed in the context of the 29 October elections, and for those suspected to be responsible to be held to account. Serious concerns exist, however, about the national commission of inquiry announced on 18 November 2025 by President Hassan. The commission’s mandate or terms of reference remain unclear, as the wording of the presidential statement that launched it suggests that the scope of its mandate is to “investigate events that led to ‘breaches of peace’ during and after the general elections held on 29 October 2025.” The com­mission does not seem to have a mandate to address the root causes of the human rights crisis or to include representation of civil society, international observers, religious leaders, or survivors and victims’ families. Rather, the commission includes former state officials and retired civil servants, including a former Ins­pec­tor General of Police and the Minister of Defence who was in office at the time of the violence. The com­mission has been rejected by opposition political parties [20] and civil society organisations and does not enjoy consensus. Moreover, on 20 November 2025, President Hassan delivered remarks interfering with the commission’s independence, asking it to investigate how protesters and NGOs had been “paid” to hold protests. Against this backdrop, in line with the Council’s prevention mandate and with provisions of Council resolution 45/31, in particular its operative paragraphs 6 and 7, we urge States to hold a debate fol­lowing a public briefing to the Human Rights Council by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. In this briefing, [21] the High Commissioner should bring information on patterns of human rights vio­lations committed in the United Republic of Tanzania in relation to the 2025 presidential and legislative elections to the attention of the Mem­bers and Observers of the Human Rights Council and highlight any risk of further serious human rights violations. Should the situation further deteriorate, States should consider convening a special session of the Hu­man Rights Council to address the grave human rights violations committed in the context of the Tanza­nian authorities’ crackdown on 2025 post-election protests and the rule of law. Action taken at such a special ses­sion, including in the form of a resolution, should focus on the need for prompt, thorough, independent, impartial, transparent and effective inves­tigations into the allegations of human rights violations, and for justice and accountability. We thank you for your attention to these pressing human rights issues and stand ready to provide your delegation with further information as required.

    Footnotes

    [1] “Preliminary Statement by the Right Honourable Richard Msowoya, Former Speaker of Parliament of the Republic of Malawi and Head of the SADC Electoral Observation Mission (SEOM) to the 2025 General Election of the United Republic of Tanzania,” 3 Nov­em­ber 2025 (see Conclusion). [2] Tanzania’s main opposition party, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), whose leader, Tundu Lissu, was charged with “treason” in April 2025 after his arrest at a public rally where he called for electoral reforms and has been detained since, urged its supporters not to participate in the 2025 elections. [3] See Human Rights Watch, “Tanzania: Killings, Crackdown Follow Disputed Elections,” 4 November 2025, https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/11/04/tanzania-killings-crackdown-follow-disputed-elections; UN News, “Tanzania: Reports of hundreds killed and detained following deadly election violence,” 11 November 2025, https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/11/1166334 (accessed on 27 November 2025). [4] Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), “Tanzania: Deaths and injuries amid election-related protests,” 31 October 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-briefing-notes/2025/10/tanzania-deaths-and-injuries-amid-election-related-protests; “Tanzania: Election-related killings and other violations must be investigated – Türk,” 11 November 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/11/tanzania-election-related-killings-and-other-violations-must-be-investigated (accessed on 19 November 2025). [5] CNN, “‘Oh my God, this is our Tanzania’: CNN investigation shows police fatally shooting protesters, signs of mass graves,” 21 November 2025, https://edition.cnn.com/2025/11/21/africa/tanzania-police-shooting-protesters-deadly-election-intl-invs (accessed on 21 November 2025). [6] While protesters who resort to violence forfeit their rights in relation to peaceful assembly, they do not lose other human rights, such as the right to life or to be free from torture. State authorities must at all times distinguish between protesters based on their in­dividual behaviour, protect peaceful protesters, and avoid collective punishment. Peaceful protesters must not be punished for the behaviour of others. Lethal force must only be used when it is strictly necessary to protect life or prevent serious injury from an im­minent threat. It must not be used indiscriminately. Firearms must never be used simply to disperse an assembly, and they must never be used indiscriminately or in automatic mode (see DefendDefenders, “‘They won’t silence the people’: The right to peaceful pro­test in Africa in 2025,” 4 November 2025, https://defenddefenders.org/they-wont-silence-the-people-the-right-to-peaceful-protest-in-africa-in-2025-with-substantive-case-studies-on-mozambique-senegal-tunisia-and-uganda/ (accessed on 20 November 2025)). [7] ACHPR, “Press release on the human rights situation in the United Republic of Tanzania,” 1 November 2025, https://achpr.au.int/en/news/press-releases/2025-11-01/human-rights-situation-tanzania (accessed on 20 November 2025). [8] See Human Rights Watch, “Tanzania: Killings, Crackdown Follow Disputed Elections,” op. cit.; Amnesty International, “Tanzania: Authorities must investigate police use of force against election day protesters,” 29 October 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/10/tanzania-authorities-must-investigate-police-use-of-force-against-election-day-protesters/; “Tanzania: Unlawful killings and other human rights violations continue amid internet and electricity blackouts,” 3 November 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/11/tanzania-unlawful-killings-and-other-human-rights-violations-continue-amid-internet-and-electricity-blackouts/ (accessed on 19 November 2025). [9] Via Jambo TV, X post (18 Nov. 2025), https://x.com/Jambotv_/status/1990876046720381009 (accessed on 20 November 2025). Dr. Juma Homera, Tanzania’s Minister for Constitution and Legal Affairs, disclosed that a total of 2,045 people were rounded up du­ring and following demonstrations across various parts of the country. Speaking on 26 November 2025, during a visit to the Di­rec­tor of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Office in Dodoma, Dr. Homera said that of the total number of detainees, 1,736 individuals were set to be released following a presidential directive. President Hassan instructed the DPP to review cases of those who com­plied with legal procedures and recommend their release during a speech to Parliament. [10] In the lead-up to the elections, Tundu Lissu’s deputy, John Heche, was violently manhandled while at­tempt­ing to attend the on­going treason trial. He had previously been banned from traveling into Kenya to attend a funeral. On 7 November 2025, the Tanza­nian police published an arrest warrant for ten leaders of CHADEMA and started rounding them up in Dar es Salaam, Arusha, and other cities. Since then, several of the party leaders have fled into neighbouring Kenya and other countries to avoid reprisals (see The Chanzo, “CHADEMA’s John Heche Arrested in Dar, Moved to Tarime to Face Undisclosed Charges,” 22 October 2025, https://thechanzo.com/2025/10/22/chademas-john-heche-arrested-in-dar-moved-to-tarime-to-face-undisclosed-charges/; DW Africa, “Tanzanian police have issued arrest warrants for ten opposition leaders […],” 8 November 2025, https://www.tiktok.com/@dw.africa/video/7570368148512460044 (accessed on 2 December 2025). [11] Communication no. AL TZA 4/2025, 14 July 2025, available at: https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=30158 Also see “Tanzania: UN Experts alarmed by pattern of enforced disappearance and torture to silence opposition and critics,” 13 June 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/06/tanzania-un-experts-alarmed-pattern-enforced-disappearance-and-torture (accessed on 2 December 2025). [12] ACHPR, “Resolution on the Human Rights Situation in the United Republic of Tanzania; ACHPR/Res.640 (LXXXIV) 2025,” 6 August 2025, https://achpr.au.int/en/adopted-resolutions/640-achprres640-lxxxiv-2025 (accessed on 19 November 2025). The European Parliament also adopted a resolution on the escalating crackdown on independent actors and the political opposition (“Arrest and risk of execution of Tundu Lissu, Chair of Chadema, the main opposition party in Tanzania – European Parliament reso­lution of 8 May 2025 on the arrest and risk of execution of Tundu Lissu, Chair of Chadema, the main opposition party in Tan­za­nia (2025/2690(RSP)). See also Human Rights Watch, “Tanzania: Deepening Repression Threatens Elections,” 29 September 2025, https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/09/29/tanzania-deepening-repression-threatens-elections; Amnesty International, “Tanzania: Authorities instil climate of fear and step up repression ahead of general elections,” 20 October 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/10/tanzania-authorities-instil-climate-of-fear-and-step-up-repression-ahead-of-general-elections/ (accessed on 20 November 2025). [13] DefendDefenders, “DefendDefenders’ oral statements at HRC59,” https://defenddefenders.org/oral-statements-hrc59/ (“Item 2: Interactive dialogue on the High Commissioner’s annual report (17 June 2025)”); “DefendDefenders’ oral statements at HRC60,” https://defenddefenders.org/oral-statements-hrc60/ (“Item 2: General debate (10 September 2025)”) (accessed on 20 November 2025). [14] Amnesty International, “Tanzania: Unopposed, unchecked, unjust ‘Wave of Terror’ sweeps Tanzania ahead of 2025 vote,” 20 October 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr56/0376/2025/en/ (accessed on 27 November 2025). [15] For background, see LHRC, “LHRC Urges Government Action on Electoral Reform,” 4 April 2024, https://humanrights.or.tz/en/news-events/electoral_reforms (accessed on 20 November 2025). [16] “‘It’s Like Killing Culture’: Human Rights Impacts of Relocating Tanzania’s Maasai,” 31 July 2024, https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/07/31/its-killing-culture/human-rights-impacts-relocating-tanzanias-maasai (accessed on 21 November 2025). [17] See DefendDefenders, “Spreading Fear, Asserting Control: Tanzania’s assault on civic space,” 26 June 2018, https://defenddefenders.org/spreading-fear-asserting-control-tanzanias-assault-on-civic-space/; DefendDefenders et al., “HRC39: Address crackdown on civic space in Tanzania,” 16 August 2018, https://defenddefenders.org/hrc39-address-crackdown-on-civic-space-in-tanzania/; Joint NGO letter, “Tanzania: Systematic restrictions on fundamental freedoms in the run-up to national elections,” 22 October 2020, https://defenddefenders.org/tanzania-systematic-restrictions-on-fundamental-freedoms-in-the-run-up-to-national-elections/ (accessed on 20 November 2025). [18] See DefendDefenders et al., “Tanzania: 38 NGOs call on states to express concern over the human rights situation,” 13 May 2019, https://defenddefenders.org/tanzania-38-ngos-call-on-states-to-express-concern-over-the-human-rights-situation/ (accessed on 20 November 2025). [19] ABC, “Tanzania charges hundreds with treason, issues arrest warrants for opposition figures,” 8 November 2025, https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/tanzania-charges-hundreds-treason-issues-arrest-warrants-opposition-127327758 (accessed on 20 November 2025). [20] On 19 November 2025, CHADEMA rejected the commission and instead called for the establishment of an independent inter­national commission “with the capacity, professionalism, credibility, and authority to conduct a thorough and impartial inves­ti­ga­tion” into violations. ACT-Wazalendo also dismissed the national commission as “a mockery, not justice.” [21] The High Commissioner has a universal mandate, which means that he has the ability to monitor and report on the human rights situation in all countries. He also has a duty to report on grave violations and on human rights emergencies and crises. He does not require a Council resolution to do so, and he can present information his Office gathers to UN Member States in the framework of public briefings and informal conversations, outside of Human Rights Council sessions.]]>