https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/ Thu, 21 May 2026 15:53:12 +0000 es-ES hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/ 32 32 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/kyrgyzstan-human-rights-defender-tolekan-ismailova-interrogated-by-police-and-threatened-with-criminal-investigation/ Thu, 19 Mar 2026 16:06:51 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24552 Tolekan Ismailova, human rights defender and Director of the Kyrgyz human rights organisation Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan with two other human right defenders, Bermet Borukeeva and Bulat Satarkulov. On 13 March 2026, police officers took Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva and Mr Bulat Satarkulov to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Bishkek for questioning in relation to publications posted on Ms. Ismailova’s personal Facebook account concerning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. According to police authorities, on 12 March 2026, during monitoring of online resources, officers from the department for combating extremism and illegal migration identified a social media account belonging to Ms. Ismailova containing posts on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine interpreted by the authorities as expressing support for Ukraine. However, the investigator’s questions did not only concern the content of the Facebook posts, but also the organization Bir Duino – Kyrgyzstan and its funding. The investigator asked whether her posts containing expressions of support for Ukraine reflected Ms Ismailova’s personal views or this is the position of the organisation Bir Duino, which she heads. The investigator also inquired whether she had received any remuneration for these publications and whether she was aware that such posts could “provoke public resonance and contentious discussions among users.” Ms Ismailova replied that she only expresses her personal views on her page and reaffirmed her anti-war stance, emphasising that she is the daughter of a World War II veteran. After questioning, which lasted approximately six hours in total, the human rights defenders were released from the police station without charges being brought against them. However, police officers informed Ms Ismailova that the texts of her Facebook posts would be sent for expert examination to determine whether they violate Article 330 of the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan (incitement of racial, ethnic, national, religious, or interregional hatred, punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment). The questioning took place on the same day that Ms Ismailova and other activists had planned to organise a peaceful action titled “Freedom for Peaceful Assemblies of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” near the Pervomaisky District Administration building in Bishkek. It seems that the Facebook posts were used as a pretext to intimidate, prevent and detain these individuals of undertaking that planned peaceful assembly.. The action aimed to raise concerns about restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, including existing limitations on demonstrations in Bishkek, which have been repeatedly extended for years.The Observatory views these measures, particularly the summoning activists for questioning immediately ahead of planned peaceful assemblies, as forms of pressure that create a chilling effect and may amount to interference with the right to peaceful protest or even intimidation. The Observatory further expresses concern that the questioning of Ms Ismailova, particularly in relation to her personal social media posts, constitutes judicial harassment aimed at restricting her right to freedom of expression and intimidating a prominent human rights defender. The Observatory recalls that Kyrgyzstan, as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression (Article 19) and the right to peaceful assembly (Article 21), must ensure that there are no restrictions or obstacles to these freedoms. The Observatory calls on the authorities of Kyrgyzstan to guarantee that Ms Ismailova and all human rights defenders in the country are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of intimidation or judicial harassment. Actions requested: Please write to the authorities of Kyrgyzstan asking them to: Guarantee in all circumstances the physical integrity and psychological well-being of Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva, and Mr Bulat Satarkulov, as well as all human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan; Put an end to all acts of harassment, including judicial harassment, against Ms. Tolekan Ismailova, and ensure that she can carry out her legitimate human rights activities without interference; Ensure that no criminal charges are brought against Ms. Ismailova for the peaceful exercise of her right to freedom of expression, including her personal social media posts; Guarantee in all circumstances the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21 of the ICCPR, and ensure that human rights defenders can carry out their legitimate activities without fear of reprisals, including from foreign state pressure; Ensure that human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan are able to carry out their activities without any fear of reprisals. Addresses: • Mr Sadyr Japarov, President of Kyrgyzstan, Email: adskyrgyzstan@gmail.com, X: @SadyrJaparov, • Mr Adylbek Kasymaliev, Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan, Email: contactcenter@tunduk.gov.kg, • Mr Ulan Niyazbekov, Minister of Internal Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: secretariat@mvd.kg, • Mr Kulubaev Zheenbek Moldokanovic, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: info@mfa.gov.kg; dded@mfa.gov.kg, X: @MFA_Kyrgyzstan, • Mr Ayaz Baetov, Minister of Justice, Email: isakov@minjust.gov.kg / baetov.a@gmail.com, • Mr Ruslan Mukambetov, Minister of Defense, Email: op.minoboron@bk.ru, • Mr Jamilya Jamanbaeva, Ombudsman of the Kyrgyz Republic, Email: akyikatchy@ombudsman.kg, Please also write to the diplomatic missions or embassies of Kyrgyzstan in your respective countries. *** Paris-Geneva, 19 March 2026 Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (the Observatory) was created in 1997 by FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). The objective of this programme is to intervene to prevent or remedy situations of repression against human rights defenders. FIDH and OMCT are both members of ProtectDefenders.eu, the European Union Human Rights Defenders Mechanism implemented by international civil society. To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line: • E-mail: alert@observatoryfordefenders.org • Tel FIDH: + 33 1 43 55 25 18 • Tel OMCT: + 41 22 809 49 39]]> Tolekan Ismailova, human rights defender and Director of the Kyrgyz human rights organisation Bir Duino-Kyrgyzstan with two other human right defenders, Bermet Borukeeva and Bulat Satarkulov. On 13 March 2026, police officers took Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva and Mr Bulat Satarkulov to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Bishkek for questioning in relation to publications posted on Ms. Ismailova’s personal Facebook account concerning Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. According to police authorities, on 12 March 2026, during monitoring of online resources, officers from the department for combating extremism and illegal migration identified a social media account belonging to Ms. Ismailova containing posts on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine interpreted by the authorities as expressing support for Ukraine. However, the investigator’s questions did not only concern the content of the Facebook posts, but also the organization Bir Duino – Kyrgyzstan and its funding. The investigator asked whether her posts containing expressions of support for Ukraine reflected Ms Ismailova’s personal views or this is the position of the organisation Bir Duino, which she heads. The investigator also inquired whether she had received any remuneration for these publications and whether she was aware that such posts could “provoke public resonance and contentious discussions among users.” Ms Ismailova replied that she only expresses her personal views on her page and reaffirmed her anti-war stance, emphasising that she is the daughter of a World War II veteran. After questioning, which lasted approximately six hours in total, the human rights defenders were released from the police station without charges being brought against them. However, police officers informed Ms Ismailova that the texts of her Facebook posts would be sent for expert examination to determine whether they violate Article 330 of the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan (incitement of racial, ethnic, national, religious, or interregional hatred, punishable by up to seven years of imprisonment). The questioning took place on the same day that Ms Ismailova and other activists had planned to organise a peaceful action titled “Freedom for Peaceful Assemblies of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” near the Pervomaisky District Administration building in Bishkek. It seems that the Facebook posts were used as a pretext to intimidate, prevent and detain these individuals of undertaking that planned peaceful assembly.. The action aimed to raise concerns about restrictions on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, including existing limitations on demonstrations in Bishkek, which have been repeatedly extended for years.The Observatory views these measures, particularly the summoning activists for questioning immediately ahead of planned peaceful assemblies, as forms of pressure that create a chilling effect and may amount to interference with the right to peaceful protest or even intimidation. The Observatory further expresses concern that the questioning of Ms Ismailova, particularly in relation to her personal social media posts, constitutes judicial harassment aimed at restricting her right to freedom of expression and intimidating a prominent human rights defender. The Observatory recalls that Kyrgyzstan, as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees the right to freedom of expression (Article 19) and the right to peaceful assembly (Article 21), must ensure that there are no restrictions or obstacles to these freedoms. The Observatory calls on the authorities of Kyrgyzstan to guarantee that Ms Ismailova and all human rights defenders in the country are able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of intimidation or judicial harassment. Actions requested: Please write to the authorities of Kyrgyzstan asking them to: Guarantee in all circumstances the physical integrity and psychological well-being of Ms Tolekan Ismailova, Ms Bermet Borukeeva, and Mr Bulat Satarkulov, as well as all human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan; Put an end to all acts of harassment, including judicial harassment, against Ms. Tolekan Ismailova, and ensure that she can carry out her legitimate human rights activities without interference; Ensure that no criminal charges are brought against Ms. Ismailova for the peaceful exercise of her right to freedom of expression, including her personal social media posts; Guarantee in all circumstances the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21 of the ICCPR, and ensure that human rights defenders can carry out their legitimate activities without fear of reprisals, including from foreign state pressure; Ensure that human rights defenders in Kyrgyzstan are able to carry out their activities without any fear of reprisals. Addresses: • Mr Sadyr Japarov, President of Kyrgyzstan, Email: adskyrgyzstan@gmail.com, X: @SadyrJaparov, • Mr Adylbek Kasymaliev, Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan, Email: contactcenter@tunduk.gov.kg, • Mr Ulan Niyazbekov, Minister of Internal Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: secretariat@mvd.kg, • Mr Kulubaev Zheenbek Moldokanovic, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kyrgyzstan, Email: info@mfa.gov.kg; dded@mfa.gov.kg, X: @MFA_Kyrgyzstan, • Mr Ayaz Baetov, Minister of Justice, Email: isakov@minjust.gov.kg / baetov.a@gmail.com, • Mr Ruslan Mukambetov, Minister of Defense, Email: op.minoboron@bk.ru, • Mr Jamilya Jamanbaeva, Ombudsman of the Kyrgyz Republic, Email: akyikatchy@ombudsman.kg, Please also write to the diplomatic missions or embassies of Kyrgyzstan in your respective countries. *** Paris-Geneva, 19 March 2026 Kindly inform us of any action undertaken quoting the code of this appeal in your reply. The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (the Observatory) was created in 1997 by FIDH and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT). The objective of this programme is to intervene to prevent or remedy situations of repression against human rights defenders. FIDH and OMCT are both members of ProtectDefenders.eu, the European Union Human Rights Defenders Mechanism implemented by international civil society. To contact the Observatory, call the emergency line: • E-mail: alert@observatoryfordefenders.org • Tel FIDH: + 33 1 43 55 25 18 • Tel OMCT: + 41 22 809 49 39]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/india-kashmiri-journalist-and-human-rights-defender-irfan-mehraj-held-for-three-years-in-pre-trial-detention/ Thu, 19 Mar 2026 16:06:18 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24547 19 March 2026. On 20 March 2023, Irfan Mehraj was detained by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) under provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on politically motivated and fabricated charges. According to the NIA, Irfan Mehraj was arrested for being ‘a close associate of Khurram Parvez’. Khurram Parvez is a HRD and the Program Coordinator of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a leading civil society organisation in Jammu and Kashmir. Indian authorities continue to arbitrarily detain Khurram Parvez for over four years now on politically motivated and fabricated charges. The ongoing detentions of Irfan Mehraj and Khurram Parvez highlight a broader pattern of persecution of human rights defenders and journalists in Jammu and Kashmir. The authorities have used the UAPA – a draconian anti-terror law - and the repressive Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (PSA), which permits long-term detention without trial, to criminalise and silence journalists and human rights defenders in Jammu and Kashmir. This has worsened since the unilateral abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood in August 2019. In recent months, the police continued to harass and intimidate journalists from Indian-administered Kashmir for their reporting, including through summoning them for repeated police interrogations and demanding that journalists sign a bond undertaking that they will not do anything that would ‘disturb peace’. The Indian government has continuously failed to respond to concerns regarding human rights violations in Kashmir raised by United Nations experts and international human rights organisations. India should respect its international human rights obligations and end its reprisal against human rights defenders and journalists, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. Other countries at the UN Human Rights Council should address these flagrant violations by a sitting member state. Our organisations urge the Indian authorities to repeal repressive laws including the UAPA and the PSA and to create an enabling environment for civil society and the media to freely and independently operate in Jammu and Kashmir. As India continues to work towards securing stronger multilateral and bilateral relations, we call on the international community to urge the Indian government to comply with its international human rights obligations, release Irfan Mehraj, Khurram Parvez and all other detained Kashmiri human rights defenders and end its repression in Jammu and Kashmir.]]> 19 March 2026. On 20 March 2023, Irfan Mehraj was detained by India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) under provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on politically motivated and fabricated charges. According to the NIA, Irfan Mehraj was arrested for being ‘a close associate of Khurram Parvez’. Khurram Parvez is a HRD and the Program Coordinator of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), a leading civil society organisation in Jammu and Kashmir. Indian authorities continue to arbitrarily detain Khurram Parvez for over four years now on politically motivated and fabricated charges. The ongoing detentions of Irfan Mehraj and Khurram Parvez highlight a broader pattern of persecution of human rights defenders and journalists in Jammu and Kashmir. The authorities have used the UAPA – a draconian anti-terror law - and the repressive Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act (PSA), which permits long-term detention without trial, to criminalise and silence journalists and human rights defenders in Jammu and Kashmir. This has worsened since the unilateral abrogation of Jammu and Kashmir’s statehood in August 2019. In recent months, the police continued to harass and intimidate journalists from Indian-administered Kashmir for their reporting, including through summoning them for repeated police interrogations and demanding that journalists sign a bond undertaking that they will not do anything that would ‘disturb peace’. The Indian government has continuously failed to respond to concerns regarding human rights violations in Kashmir raised by United Nations experts and international human rights organisations. India should respect its international human rights obligations and end its reprisal against human rights defenders and journalists, especially in Jammu and Kashmir. Other countries at the UN Human Rights Council should address these flagrant violations by a sitting member state. Our organisations urge the Indian authorities to repeal repressive laws including the UAPA and the PSA and to create an enabling environment for civil society and the media to freely and independently operate in Jammu and Kashmir. As India continues to work towards securing stronger multilateral and bilateral relations, we call on the international community to urge the Indian government to comply with its international human rights obligations, release Irfan Mehraj, Khurram Parvez and all other detained Kashmiri human rights defenders and end its repression in Jammu and Kashmir.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/algerie-fermeture-et-mise-sous-scelles-des-bureaux-de-sos-disparus/ Wed, 18 Mar 2026 16:10:40 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24573 entraves répétées à leurs activités. L’association a notamment été ciblée par des interdictions d’événements, la surveillance et l’encerclement de ses locaux par les forces de sécurité, ainsi que par des mesures visant ses membres. En juillet 2025, Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du CFDA, s’est vue refuser arbitrairement l’entrée sur le territoire algérien, la Cour administrative d’appel d’Alger ayant rejeté en janvier 2026 son recours contre cette interdiction d’entrée sur le territoire national. Ces éléments illustrent un schéma de harcèlement visant l’organisation dans un contexte plus large de restriction de l’espace civique, en particulier à l’égard des acteur·rices travaillant sur les disparitions forcées et l’héritage de la décennie noire. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la fermeture des bureaux de SOS Disparus, qui semble viser à réduire au silence l’un des derniers espaces de mémoire et de mobilisation des familles de disparu·es, et à entraver les activités légitimes de défense des droits humains menées par l’association. L’Observatoire rappelle que l’Algérie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités algériennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA, ainsi que de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Algérie ; Lever immédiatement la mesure de fermeture et de mise sous scellés des bureaux de SOS Disparus, et permettre à l’association de reprendre ses activités ; Cesser tout harcèlement et toute intimidation à l’encontre d de l’ensemble des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA ainsi que tou⋅tes les défenseur⋅es des droits humains en Algérie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles ; Garantir le respect effectif de la liberté d’association, de la liberté d’expression et du droit de défendre les droits humains, conformément aux obligations internationales de l’Algérie. Adresses : • M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Président de l’Algérie, E-mail : president@el-mouradia.dz, X : @TebbouneAmadjid • M. Nadir Larbaoui, Premier Ministre de l’Algérie, E-mail : primeminister@pm.gov.dz • M. Abderrachid Tabi, Ministre de la Justice de l’Algérie, E-mail : contact@mjustice.dz • M. Rachid Bladehane Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, Représentation Permanente de la République d’Algérie aux Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, E-mail : contact@mission-algeria.ch • M. Mohamed El Amine Bencherif, Ambassadeur de la République d’Algérie à Bruxelles, E-mail : info@algerian-embassy.be Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques d’Algérie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> entraves répétées à leurs activités. L’association a notamment été ciblée par des interdictions d’événements, la surveillance et l’encerclement de ses locaux par les forces de sécurité, ainsi que par des mesures visant ses membres. En juillet 2025, Mme Nassera Dutour, présidente du CFDA, s’est vue refuser arbitrairement l’entrée sur le territoire algérien, la Cour administrative d’appel d’Alger ayant rejeté en janvier 2026 son recours contre cette interdiction d’entrée sur le territoire national. Ces éléments illustrent un schéma de harcèlement visant l’organisation dans un contexte plus large de restriction de l’espace civique, en particulier à l’égard des acteur·rices travaillant sur les disparitions forcées et l’héritage de la décennie noire. L’Observatoire exprime sa vive inquiétude face à la fermeture des bureaux de SOS Disparus, qui semble viser à réduire au silence l’un des derniers espaces de mémoire et de mobilisation des familles de disparu·es, et à entraver les activités légitimes de défense des droits humains menées par l’association. L’Observatoire rappelle que l’Algérie, en tant qu’État partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP), qui garantit la liberté d’expression (article 19) et la liberté d’association (article 22), doit veiller à ce qu’aucune restriction ou entrave ne soit apportée à l’exercice de ces droits. Actions requises : L’Observatoire vous prie de bien vouloir écrire aux autorités algériennes en leur demandant de : Garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et le bien-être psychologique des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA, ainsi que de l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains en Algérie ; Lever immédiatement la mesure de fermeture et de mise sous scellés des bureaux de SOS Disparus, et permettre à l’association de reprendre ses activités ; Cesser tout harcèlement et toute intimidation à l’encontre d de l’ensemble des membres de SOS Disparus et du CFDA ainsi que tou⋅tes les défenseur⋅es des droits humains en Algérie et garantir en toutes circonstances qu’ils et elles puissent mener leurs activités légitimes en faveur des droits humains sans entraves ni crainte de représailles ; Garantir le respect effectif de la liberté d’association, de la liberté d’expression et du droit de défendre les droits humains, conformément aux obligations internationales de l’Algérie. Adresses : • M. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Président de l’Algérie, E-mail : president@el-mouradia.dz, X : @TebbouneAmadjid • M. Nadir Larbaoui, Premier Ministre de l’Algérie, E-mail : primeminister@pm.gov.dz • M. Abderrachid Tabi, Ministre de la Justice de l’Algérie, E-mail : contact@mjustice.dz • M. Rachid Bladehane Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire, Représentation Permanente de la République d’Algérie aux Nations unies à Genève, Suisse, E-mail : contact@mission-algeria.ch • M. Mohamed El Amine Bencherif, Ambassadeur de la République d’Algérie à Bruxelles, E-mail : info@algerian-embassy.be Prière d’écrire également aux représentations diplomatiques d’Algérie dans vos pays respectifs. *** Genève-Paris, le 18 mars 2026 Merci de bien vouloir informer l’Observatoire de toutes actions entreprises en indiquant le code de cet appel. L’Observatoire partenariat de la FIDH et de l’OMCT, a vocation à protéger les défenseur·es des droits humains victimes de violations et à leur apporter une aide aussi concrète que possible. La FIDH et l’OMCT sont membres de ProtectDefenders.eu, le mécanisme de l’Union européenne pour les défenseur·es des droits humains mis en œuvre par la société civile internationale. Pour contacter l’Observatoire, appeler La Ligne d’Urgence : · E-mail : alert@observatoryfordefenders.org · Tel FIDH : +33 1 43 55 25 18 · Tel OMCT : + 41 22 809 49 39]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/turkey-urgent-call-to-un-special-rapporteurs-to-address-the-prosecution-and-conviction-of-lawyers-and-human-rights-defenders-in-turkey/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 16:13:06 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24539 Paris-Geneva-Ankara, 11 March 2026. In a joint letter addressed to several UN Special Rapporteurs, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), along with other organisations, raise concerns over the prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with ÖHD and TUAD in Turkey.   FOR THE ATTENTION OF: • Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression • Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association • Special Rapporteur on minority issues URGENT ACTION: Prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders who are members of Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) on 28 January 2026 in Türkiye.   Dear Mandate Holders, 1. We write to express our deep and urgent concern regarding the prosecution, conviction and sentencing of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) following a decade-long trial before the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court. 2. On 28 January 2026, in proceedings dating back to 2016, the trial court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders, on terrorism-related and expression-based charges, imposing lengthy prison sentences. The prosecutions and resulting convictions appear to be based predominantly on lawyers’ lawful professional conduct - including prison visits, contact with clients, legal correspondence, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - rather than any credible evidence of criminal conduct. These mirror prior patterns of targeting lawyers for their professional activities. TUAD activists were likewise targeted solely for their legitimate human rights work, including documenting prison conditions, publicly reporting on human rights violations, and advocating for the protection of prisoners’ health and dignity, activities that fall within the protected scope of human rights defence. 3. The convictions follow proceedings marked by serious due process concerns, including extensive reliance on surveillance evidence obtained through wiretapping and technical monitoring measures authorised by judges who were later dismissed or prosecuted in connection with alleged links to the Gülenist organisation, as well as the routine rejection of defence challenges without reasoned judicial assessment. These practices raise serious concerns regarding compliance with international standards protecting the professional independence of lawyers and the lawful activities of human rights defenders. 4. In light of the gravity of these concerns, we respectfully request your urgent intervention. We urge you to call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and to terminate all criminal proceedings against the lawyers and human rights defenders concerned, in accordance with international human rights standards, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). We further invite you to urge the authorities to cease all forms of judicial harassment and undue interference with the legal profession and with human rights defence, and to ensure that lawyers and human rights defenders can carry out their lawful activities freely, independently, and without fear of reprisal. BACKGROUND AND SYSTEMIC CONTEXT 5. Since the attempted coup of July 2016, Türkiye has experienced a sustained deterioration of the rule of law and judicial independence, accompanied by widespread persecution of lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society actors. Under the pretext of counterterrorism, the authorities have systematically targeted members of the legal profession and civil society through arbitrary arrests, prolonged pre-trial detention, and criminal prosecutions based on vague and overly broad terrorism provisions, particularly Articles 314 and 220 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and Article 7(2) of the Law on Anti-Terrorism. These measures have been repeatedly criticised by international bodies for their lack of foreseeability, their misuse against lawful expression and association, and their chilling effect on the exercise of fundamental rights. 6. This pattern has been facilitated by profound structural damage to judicial independence, including the mass dismissal and replacement of judges and prosecutors, expanded executive control over judicial appointments, and the routine disregard by domestic courts of binding judgments of the ECtHR. As documented by UN mechanisms and regional bodies, these developments have enabled the instrumentalization of criminal law against lawyers and human rights defenders perceived as critical of state policies, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, political opposition, prison conditions, and allegations of torture and ill-treatment. 7. For instance, in March 2019 the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court sentenced 18 lawyers to a combined total of 159 years, 1 month, and 30 days in prison on terrorism-related charges linked to the outlawed Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party–Front (DHKP-C). The defendants included lawyers from the People’s Law Office (HHB) and the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD), many of whom had been providing legal representation in politically sensitive cases. Human rights organisations and bar associations condemned the verdicts as unjust and politically motivated, stressing that the convictions were based on lawyers’ professional activities rather than any demonstrable criminal conduct. They further warned that the proceedings reflected serious due process violations, political interference in the judiciary, and the systematic criminalisation of legal defence work, undermining the independence of the legal profession in Türkiye. 8. Another illustrative example of the criminalisation of legal defence work took place in Ankara in 2017. In June of that year, 52 lawyers were charged with “membership of a terrorist organisation” under Article 314 of the TPC. The prosecution alleged that their professional association, the Law and Life Association, formed part of the Gülen organisation, despite a police report finding no evidence of criminal activity. The indictment relied on routine legal activities such as assigning cases, representing clients linked to the Gülenist organisation, and making public statements on due process as purported proof of “aiding terrorism”. Human Rights Watch condemned the proceedings, warning that treating legal representation as evidence of criminality “threatens the very core of fair trial rights” and undermines the independence of the legal profession. 9. According to reports, more than 1,500 lawyers have been prosecuted in Türkiye since 2016, hundreds have been detained, and many have received lengthy prison sentences. These prosecutions frequently rely on evidence obtained from lawyers’ professional activities, including prison visits, client communications, participation in hearings, and public advocacy on human rights and rule of law. 10. These concerns are reflected in reporting by international media and civil society organisations concerning large-scale police operations carried out in April 2023 in Diyarbakır and other predominantly Kurdish southeastern provinces. According to media reports, Turkish police detained more than 100 individuals - including lawyers, journalists, political actors and civil society representatives - in coordinated raids targeting organisations allegedly linked to the PKK. Reports indicated that the raids involved searches of lawyers’ offices, media outlets and NGO premises, and that the total number of detainees may have reached approximately 150. 11. A series of other ongoing cases further illustrates the entrenched and continuing nature of these practices. In the context of the Gezi Park proceedings, domestic courts have repeatedly refused to give effect to binding ECtHR judgments requesting the release of human rights defender Osman Kavala. Trial courts and the Court of Cassation repeatedly failed to give effect to multiple rulings of the Constitutional Court ordering the release of opposition MP Can Atalay on the basis of his parliamentary immunity and have continued to detain Gezi Park co-defendant Tayfun Kahraman despite a Constitutional Court judgment finding violations of his rights. 12. Parallel concerns arise in relation to the continued imprisonment of human rights lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı, following the arbitrary and punitive refusal of his conditional release. In late 2024, the authorities also initiated criminal and civil proceedings against the leadership of the Istanbul Bar Association in response to a public statement addressing alleged human rights violations in Syria attributed to Turkish security forces. Earlier, in October 2022, prominent forensic expert and human rights defender Şebnem Korur (Fincancı) was detained and prosecuted for her professional assessment on the allegations concerning the use of chemical weapons in Iraqi Kurdistan by Turkish military forces. Although she was released after a period of detention, she was subsequently convicted on charge of “propaganda for a terrorist organisation”, in proceedings later criticised by UN experts as incompatible with international standards. 13. International human rights monitoring mechanisms has further highlighted the systemic nature of these practices. In its concluding observations adopted in November 2024, the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) expressed serious concern about persecution, harassment, intimidation, and reprisals against human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, Kurdish activists, environmental defenders, opposition politicians, academics, and civil society members perceived as critical of the government. The Committee also raised alarm over the alleged use of arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions to suppress dissent, noting that this climate of intimidation has forced some organisations to close or curtail their activities and has driven many individuals into self-censorship or self-imposed exile. CONVICTION OF ÖHD LAWYERS AND MEMBERS AND ACTIVISTS FROM TUAD 14. On 28 January 2026, the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court delivered its judgment in a criminal case initiated in 2016 against lawyers affiliated with the ÖHD, members and staff of the TUAD. At the conclusion of nearly ten years of proceedings, the court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders on terrorism-related and expression-based charges and imposed custodial sentences ranging from several months to multiple years of imprisonment. The convictions concerned 10 ÖHD lawyers and 20 TUAD members, while a limited number of co-defendants were acquitted15. Among the convicted lawyers were Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan. The convictions were based on Article 314(2) of the TPC (“membership of an armed organisation”), Article 7(2) of the Anti-Terrorism Law (“propaganda”), and, in one instance, Article 299 of the TPC (“insult to the President”).13Custodial sentences imposed on the lawyers ranged from 1 year and 3 months to 7 years and 6 months, with several lawyers receiving multiple cumulative sentences under different provisions. The remaining convictions concerned TUAD members or those affiliated with the organisation. 16. The conduct relied upon by the prosecution and the trial court as evidence of criminal liability consisted of lawful professional and human rights activities. In the case of the ÖHD lawyers, this included prison visits, confidential communications with clients, legal correspondence, participation in court hearings, trial monitoring, public statements, and professional coordination with colleagues. In the case of TUAD members, the evidence related to activities such as documenting prison conditions, monitoring prisoners’ health - particularly during hunger strikes - issuing public statements on rights violations and providing support to prisoners’ families. None of these acts involved incitement to violence, coercion, or participation in unlawful conduct. 17. According to reports, the prosecution was built almost exclusively on unlawfully obtained surveillance material, including wiretapping and technical monitoring measures extended over prolonged periods in breach of procedural safeguards, as well as recordings obtained from within TUAD premises and during lawyer–client meetings in prisons. Defence requests to exclude this evidence were repeatedly rejected, notwithstanding that several of the surveillance authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. 18. Throughout the trial, defence lawyers raised serious and persistent concerns regarding violations of fair trial guarantees. These included the reliance on intelligence material disconnected from any criminal act, the absence of an individualised assessment of each defendant’s conduct, the conflation of lawful association membership with criminal liability, and severe restrictions on the defence’s ability to effectively challenge evidence. The length of the proceedings, combined with the mechanical attribution of liability based on professional or associative ties, deprived the defendants of a genuine opportunity to contest the accusations against them. 19. The convictions of TUAD members and affiliates further raise grave concerns regarding the criminalisation of human rights defenders’ work. TUAD’s activities - focused on prison monitoring, prevention of ill-treatment, and advocacy for prisoners’ rights - fall directly within the protected sphere of human rights defence under international law. Prosecuting and sentencing individuals for such activities not only violates their individual rights to freedom of expression and association, but also undermines independent oversight of detention conditions, increasing the risk of torture and ill-treatment and weakening safeguards for some of the most vulnerable individuals in custody. 20. Taken together these violations take place within a broader context of weakened judicial safeguards, increasing executive influence over the courts, and restricted access to case files. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect a broader pattern of judicial harassment aimed at silencing lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in sensitive work, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, detention, and allegations of state abuse. These practices have a profound chilling effect on the legal profession and civil society, deter lawyers from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, and erode access to justice for detainees. They are incompatible with international standards governing the role and protection of lawyers and human rights defenders, as discussed in the section below. TURKEY’S OBLIGATION UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Rights of Lawyers and Rule of Law 21. Under international and regional human rights law, the rights of lawyers - including their rights to liberty and security, freedom of expression and association, and the independent exercise of their profession - are protected by a coherent body of standards. These include the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990), paragraph 7 of UN Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2004/33, Recommendation No. (2000)21 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the freedom of exercise of the profession of lawyer, and, most recently, the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer. Taken together, these instruments recognise the legal profession as a cornerstone of the administration of justice and an indispensable safeguard for the rule of law. 22. The Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers affirm that lawyers are entitled to enjoy the rights and freedoms guaranteed under international human rights law insofar as they relate to their professional functions. Principle 16 obliges States to ensure that lawyers are able to perform their duties “without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference”, and without being subjected to sanctions or prosecution for actions taken in accordance with recognised professional duties and standards. Principle 23 further guarantees lawyers’ rights to freedom of expression, opinion, and association, including the right to participate in public debate on matters concerning the law, the administration of justice, and the promotion and protection of human rights, without suffering professional or criminal repercussions. 23. These guarantees are reinforced and developed at the regional level by the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer, which was adopted in response to increasing reports of harassment, criminalisation, and undue interference with lawyers’ professional activities in Council of Europe member States, including Türkiye. The Convention affirms States’ obligations to protect lawyers from identification with their clients or causes, to safeguard the confidentiality of lawyer–client communications, and to ensure that lawyers are not subjected to criminal, civil, or administrative sanctions for carrying out their professional duties in accordance with the law and professional standards. It further emphasises that attacks on the legal profession undermine access to justice and the effective protection of human rights. 24. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers for routine professional activities - including client representation, prison visits, confidential communications, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - constitute a direct violation of these standards. By treating lawful legal work and expression as evidence of criminal liability, the authorities have interfered with lawyers’ freedom of expression and association, undermined their professional independence, and breached Articles 14 and 19 of the ICCPR, as well as Article 6 of the ECHR. Such measures not only punish individual lawyers but also deter others from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, thereby denying current and future defendants’ effective access to legal representation. B. Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Legitimate Civil Society Activity 25. TUAD members and activists fall within the definition of human rights defenders, as their activities are directed at the protection of the rights of prisoners and their families, including through prison monitoring, documentation of detention conditions, public reporting, and advocacy aimed at preventing abuse and safeguarding human dignity. These activities are expressly protected under international human rights law, including the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders”). 26. Article 9 of the Declaration affirms the right of everyone to “offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms”, while Article 11 obliges States to ensure the right to the lawful exercise of one’s occupation or profession. Articles 5 and 6 further protect the rights of human rights defenders to form associations, to communicate with the public and international bodies, and to disseminate information on human rights issues. These guarantees are reinforced by Article 12 of the Declaration, which requires States to take all necessary measures to protect human rights defenders against intimidation, harassment, retaliation, and other arbitrary actions arising from their legitimate activities. They are further underpinned by Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the ICCPR and Articles 10 and 11 of the ECHR which protect freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. 27. The prosecution and conviction of TUAD members for activities such as documenting prison conditions, supporting prisoners’ families, issuing public statements, and advocating for prisoners’ rights therefore constitute a clear violation of Türkiye’s obligations under international law. Criminalising such conduct not only interferes with the individual rights of the defenders concerned but also undermines independent oversight of places of detention and weakens safeguards against abuse. These measures are incompatible with the State’s duty to create a safe and enabling environment in which human rights defenders can operate freely, without intimidation, harassment, or fear of criminal sanction. 28. Taken together, the prosecution and convictions of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation to suppress lawful professional and human rights activities. This practice represents a serious breach of Türkiye’s international obligations, erodes the rule of law, and contributes to a climate in which legal defence and human rights work are treated as illegitimate or criminalised, rather than recognised as essential components of a democratic society. ACTIONS REQUESTED 29. In light of the above, we respectfully request that the Special Rapporteurs take the following urgent actions: (a) Call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and sentences imposed on ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members and to ensure their immediate acquittal, including in respect of the lawyers Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan; (b) Seek detailed information from the Government of Türkiye regarding the use of surveillance and intelligence evidence authorised by judicial officials who were later dismissed or convicted, and its compatibility with international fair trial standards, including safeguards relating to legality, necessity, proportionality, and effective judicial scrutiny; (c) Urge the authorities to end all forms of harassment, including judicial harassment, against the individuals concerned and against lawyers and human rights defenders more broadly, and to guarantee that they are able to carry out their professional and lawful activities freely, independently, and without intimidation or improper interference; (d) Raise, as a matter of priority, concerns regarding the criminalisation of legal defence work and prisoners’ rights advocacy, including through joint communications, given the cross-cutting implications for judicial independence, freedom of expression and association, and the protection of human rights defenders; (e) Call on the authorities to immediately cease the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation and related criminal provisions against lawyers and human rights defenders who expose, document, or challenge human rights violations, including those committed by security forces; (f) Urge Türkiye to take concrete measures, in law and in practice, to safeguard judicial independence, prevent undue interference with judges, prosecutors, and lawyers, and ensure compliance with binding judgments of the ECtHR; (g) Remind the Government of Türkiye of its binding international obligations, including under the ICCPR, the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, and relevant Council of Europe standards, and of its duty to ensure that criminal, administrative, or counter-terrorism measures are not used as tools of retaliation against lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in politically sensitive or human rights-related work. 30. We would be grateful to be informed of any action taken on this communication and of any response received from the Turkish authorities, and we kindly request acknowledgment of receipt of this submission. Signatories Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (Conseil des Barreaux Européens, CCBE) European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH) Human Rights Association (İnsan Hakları Derneği, IHD) Human Rights Fundation of Turkey (Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, TİHV) International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders International Observatory of Lawyers at Risk (OIAD) Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC) Rights Initiative Association (Hak İnsiyatifi Derneği) Social Policy, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Association (SPoD) The Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW) Truth Justice Memory Center (Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi) World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders]]> Paris-Geneva-Ankara, 11 March 2026. In a joint letter addressed to several UN Special Rapporteurs, the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a partnership of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), along with other organisations, raise concerns over the prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with ÖHD and TUAD in Turkey.   FOR THE ATTENTION OF: • Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression • Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association • Special Rapporteur on minority issues URGENT ACTION: Prosecution and conviction of lawyers and human rights defenders who are members of Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) on 28 January 2026 in Türkiye.   Dear Mandate Holders, 1. We write to express our deep and urgent concern regarding the prosecution, conviction and sentencing of lawyers and human rights defenders affiliated with Özgürlükçü Hukukçular Derneği (ÖHD, Association of Lawyers for Freedom) and Tutuklu Aileleri ile Dayanışma Derneği (TUAD, the Prisoners’ Families Solidarity Association) following a decade-long trial before the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court. 2. On 28 January 2026, in proceedings dating back to 2016, the trial court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders, on terrorism-related and expression-based charges, imposing lengthy prison sentences. The prosecutions and resulting convictions appear to be based predominantly on lawyers’ lawful professional conduct - including prison visits, contact with clients, legal correspondence, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - rather than any credible evidence of criminal conduct. These mirror prior patterns of targeting lawyers for their professional activities. TUAD activists were likewise targeted solely for their legitimate human rights work, including documenting prison conditions, publicly reporting on human rights violations, and advocating for the protection of prisoners’ health and dignity, activities that fall within the protected scope of human rights defence. 3. The convictions follow proceedings marked by serious due process concerns, including extensive reliance on surveillance evidence obtained through wiretapping and technical monitoring measures authorised by judges who were later dismissed or prosecuted in connection with alleged links to the Gülenist organisation, as well as the routine rejection of defence challenges without reasoned judicial assessment. These practices raise serious concerns regarding compliance with international standards protecting the professional independence of lawyers and the lawful activities of human rights defenders. 4. In light of the gravity of these concerns, we respectfully request your urgent intervention. We urge you to call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and to terminate all criminal proceedings against the lawyers and human rights defenders concerned, in accordance with international human rights standards, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and relevant jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). We further invite you to urge the authorities to cease all forms of judicial harassment and undue interference with the legal profession and with human rights defence, and to ensure that lawyers and human rights defenders can carry out their lawful activities freely, independently, and without fear of reprisal. BACKGROUND AND SYSTEMIC CONTEXT 5. Since the attempted coup of July 2016, Türkiye has experienced a sustained deterioration of the rule of law and judicial independence, accompanied by widespread persecution of lawyers, human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society actors. Under the pretext of counterterrorism, the authorities have systematically targeted members of the legal profession and civil society through arbitrary arrests, prolonged pre-trial detention, and criminal prosecutions based on vague and overly broad terrorism provisions, particularly Articles 314 and 220 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) and Article 7(2) of the Law on Anti-Terrorism. These measures have been repeatedly criticised by international bodies for their lack of foreseeability, their misuse against lawful expression and association, and their chilling effect on the exercise of fundamental rights. 6. This pattern has been facilitated by profound structural damage to judicial independence, including the mass dismissal and replacement of judges and prosecutors, expanded executive control over judicial appointments, and the routine disregard by domestic courts of binding judgments of the ECtHR. As documented by UN mechanisms and regional bodies, these developments have enabled the instrumentalization of criminal law against lawyers and human rights defenders perceived as critical of state policies, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, political opposition, prison conditions, and allegations of torture and ill-treatment. 7. For instance, in March 2019 the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court sentenced 18 lawyers to a combined total of 159 years, 1 month, and 30 days in prison on terrorism-related charges linked to the outlawed Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party–Front (DHKP-C). The defendants included lawyers from the People’s Law Office (HHB) and the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD), many of whom had been providing legal representation in politically sensitive cases. Human rights organisations and bar associations condemned the verdicts as unjust and politically motivated, stressing that the convictions were based on lawyers’ professional activities rather than any demonstrable criminal conduct. They further warned that the proceedings reflected serious due process violations, political interference in the judiciary, and the systematic criminalisation of legal defence work, undermining the independence of the legal profession in Türkiye. 8. Another illustrative example of the criminalisation of legal defence work took place in Ankara in 2017. In June of that year, 52 lawyers were charged with “membership of a terrorist organisation” under Article 314 of the TPC. The prosecution alleged that their professional association, the Law and Life Association, formed part of the Gülen organisation, despite a police report finding no evidence of criminal activity. The indictment relied on routine legal activities such as assigning cases, representing clients linked to the Gülenist organisation, and making public statements on due process as purported proof of “aiding terrorism”. Human Rights Watch condemned the proceedings, warning that treating legal representation as evidence of criminality “threatens the very core of fair trial rights” and undermines the independence of the legal profession. 9. According to reports, more than 1,500 lawyers have been prosecuted in Türkiye since 2016, hundreds have been detained, and many have received lengthy prison sentences. These prosecutions frequently rely on evidence obtained from lawyers’ professional activities, including prison visits, client communications, participation in hearings, and public advocacy on human rights and rule of law. 10. These concerns are reflected in reporting by international media and civil society organisations concerning large-scale police operations carried out in April 2023 in Diyarbakır and other predominantly Kurdish southeastern provinces. According to media reports, Turkish police detained more than 100 individuals - including lawyers, journalists, political actors and civil society representatives - in coordinated raids targeting organisations allegedly linked to the PKK. Reports indicated that the raids involved searches of lawyers’ offices, media outlets and NGO premises, and that the total number of detainees may have reached approximately 150. 11. A series of other ongoing cases further illustrates the entrenched and continuing nature of these practices. In the context of the Gezi Park proceedings, domestic courts have repeatedly refused to give effect to binding ECtHR judgments requesting the release of human rights defender Osman Kavala. Trial courts and the Court of Cassation repeatedly failed to give effect to multiple rulings of the Constitutional Court ordering the release of opposition MP Can Atalay on the basis of his parliamentary immunity and have continued to detain Gezi Park co-defendant Tayfun Kahraman despite a Constitutional Court judgment finding violations of his rights. 12. Parallel concerns arise in relation to the continued imprisonment of human rights lawyer Selçuk Kozağaçlı, following the arbitrary and punitive refusal of his conditional release. In late 2024, the authorities also initiated criminal and civil proceedings against the leadership of the Istanbul Bar Association in response to a public statement addressing alleged human rights violations in Syria attributed to Turkish security forces. Earlier, in October 2022, prominent forensic expert and human rights defender Şebnem Korur (Fincancı) was detained and prosecuted for her professional assessment on the allegations concerning the use of chemical weapons in Iraqi Kurdistan by Turkish military forces. Although she was released after a period of detention, she was subsequently convicted on charge of “propaganda for a terrorist organisation”, in proceedings later criticised by UN experts as incompatible with international standards. 13. International human rights monitoring mechanisms has further highlighted the systemic nature of these practices. In its concluding observations adopted in November 2024, the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) expressed serious concern about persecution, harassment, intimidation, and reprisals against human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, Kurdish activists, environmental defenders, opposition politicians, academics, and civil society members perceived as critical of the government. The Committee also raised alarm over the alleged use of arbitrary detention and politically motivated prosecutions to suppress dissent, noting that this climate of intimidation has forced some organisations to close or curtail their activities and has driven many individuals into self-censorship or self-imposed exile. CONVICTION OF ÖHD LAWYERS AND MEMBERS AND ACTIVISTS FROM TUAD 14. On 28 January 2026, the Istanbul 14th Heavy Penal Court delivered its judgment in a criminal case initiated in 2016 against lawyers affiliated with the ÖHD, members and staff of the TUAD. At the conclusion of nearly ten years of proceedings, the court convicted 30 lawyers and human rights defenders on terrorism-related and expression-based charges and imposed custodial sentences ranging from several months to multiple years of imprisonment. The convictions concerned 10 ÖHD lawyers and 20 TUAD members, while a limited number of co-defendants were acquitted15. Among the convicted lawyers were Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan. The convictions were based on Article 314(2) of the TPC (“membership of an armed organisation”), Article 7(2) of the Anti-Terrorism Law (“propaganda”), and, in one instance, Article 299 of the TPC (“insult to the President”).13Custodial sentences imposed on the lawyers ranged from 1 year and 3 months to 7 years and 6 months, with several lawyers receiving multiple cumulative sentences under different provisions. The remaining convictions concerned TUAD members or those affiliated with the organisation. 16. The conduct relied upon by the prosecution and the trial court as evidence of criminal liability consisted of lawful professional and human rights activities. In the case of the ÖHD lawyers, this included prison visits, confidential communications with clients, legal correspondence, participation in court hearings, trial monitoring, public statements, and professional coordination with colleagues. In the case of TUAD members, the evidence related to activities such as documenting prison conditions, monitoring prisoners’ health - particularly during hunger strikes - issuing public statements on rights violations and providing support to prisoners’ families. None of these acts involved incitement to violence, coercion, or participation in unlawful conduct. 17. According to reports, the prosecution was built almost exclusively on unlawfully obtained surveillance material, including wiretapping and technical monitoring measures extended over prolonged periods in breach of procedural safeguards, as well as recordings obtained from within TUAD premises and during lawyer–client meetings in prisons. Defence requests to exclude this evidence were repeatedly rejected, notwithstanding that several of the surveillance authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. authorisations had been issued by judges and prosecutors who were in connection with alleged links to the Gülen organisation. 18. Throughout the trial, defence lawyers raised serious and persistent concerns regarding violations of fair trial guarantees. These included the reliance on intelligence material disconnected from any criminal act, the absence of an individualised assessment of each defendant’s conduct, the conflation of lawful association membership with criminal liability, and severe restrictions on the defence’s ability to effectively challenge evidence. The length of the proceedings, combined with the mechanical attribution of liability based on professional or associative ties, deprived the defendants of a genuine opportunity to contest the accusations against them. 19. The convictions of TUAD members and affiliates further raise grave concerns regarding the criminalisation of human rights defenders’ work. TUAD’s activities - focused on prison monitoring, prevention of ill-treatment, and advocacy for prisoners’ rights - fall directly within the protected sphere of human rights defence under international law. Prosecuting and sentencing individuals for such activities not only violates their individual rights to freedom of expression and association, but also undermines independent oversight of detention conditions, increasing the risk of torture and ill-treatment and weakening safeguards for some of the most vulnerable individuals in custody. 20. Taken together these violations take place within a broader context of weakened judicial safeguards, increasing executive influence over the courts, and restricted access to case files. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect a broader pattern of judicial harassment aimed at silencing lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in sensitive work, particularly in cases relating to Kurdish issue, detention, and allegations of state abuse. These practices have a profound chilling effect on the legal profession and civil society, deter lawyers from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, and erode access to justice for detainees. They are incompatible with international standards governing the role and protection of lawyers and human rights defenders, as discussed in the section below. TURKEY’S OBLIGATION UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW A. Rights of Lawyers and Rule of Law 21. Under international and regional human rights law, the rights of lawyers - including their rights to liberty and security, freedom of expression and association, and the independent exercise of their profession - are protected by a coherent body of standards. These include the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers (1990), paragraph 7 of UN Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2004/33, Recommendation No. (2000)21 of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe on the freedom of exercise of the profession of lawyer, and, most recently, the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer. Taken together, these instruments recognise the legal profession as a cornerstone of the administration of justice and an indispensable safeguard for the rule of law. 22. The Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers affirm that lawyers are entitled to enjoy the rights and freedoms guaranteed under international human rights law insofar as they relate to their professional functions. Principle 16 obliges States to ensure that lawyers are able to perform their duties “without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference”, and without being subjected to sanctions or prosecution for actions taken in accordance with recognised professional duties and standards. Principle 23 further guarantees lawyers’ rights to freedom of expression, opinion, and association, including the right to participate in public debate on matters concerning the law, the administration of justice, and the promotion and protection of human rights, without suffering professional or criminal repercussions. 23. These guarantees are reinforced and developed at the regional level by the Council of Europe Convention for the Protection of the Profession of Lawyer, which was adopted in response to increasing reports of harassment, criminalisation, and undue interference with lawyers’ professional activities in Council of Europe member States, including Türkiye. The Convention affirms States’ obligations to protect lawyers from identification with their clients or causes, to safeguard the confidentiality of lawyer–client communications, and to ensure that lawyers are not subjected to criminal, civil, or administrative sanctions for carrying out their professional duties in accordance with the law and professional standards. It further emphasises that attacks on the legal profession undermine access to justice and the effective protection of human rights. 24. The prosecution and conviction of ÖHD lawyers for routine professional activities - including client representation, prison visits, confidential communications, court monitoring, and public engagement on human rights issues - constitute a direct violation of these standards. By treating lawful legal work and expression as evidence of criminal liability, the authorities have interfered with lawyers’ freedom of expression and association, undermined their professional independence, and breached Articles 14 and 19 of the ICCPR, as well as Article 6 of the ECHR. Such measures not only punish individual lawyers but also deter others from undertaking defence work in politically sensitive cases, thereby denying current and future defendants’ effective access to legal representation. B. Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Legitimate Civil Society Activity 25. TUAD members and activists fall within the definition of human rights defenders, as their activities are directed at the protection of the rights of prisoners and their families, including through prison monitoring, documentation of detention conditions, public reporting, and advocacy aimed at preventing abuse and safeguarding human dignity. These activities are expressly protected under international human rights law, including the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders”). 26. Article 9 of the Declaration affirms the right of everyone to “offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms”, while Article 11 obliges States to ensure the right to the lawful exercise of one’s occupation or profession. Articles 5 and 6 further protect the rights of human rights defenders to form associations, to communicate with the public and international bodies, and to disseminate information on human rights issues. These guarantees are reinforced by Article 12 of the Declaration, which requires States to take all necessary measures to protect human rights defenders against intimidation, harassment, retaliation, and other arbitrary actions arising from their legitimate activities. They are further underpinned by Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the ICCPR and Articles 10 and 11 of the ECHR which protect freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. 27. The prosecution and conviction of TUAD members for activities such as documenting prison conditions, supporting prisoners’ families, issuing public statements, and advocating for prisoners’ rights therefore constitute a clear violation of Türkiye’s obligations under international law. Criminalising such conduct not only interferes with the individual rights of the defenders concerned but also undermines independent oversight of places of detention and weakens safeguards against abuse. These measures are incompatible with the State’s duty to create a safe and enabling environment in which human rights defenders can operate freely, without intimidation, harassment, or fear of criminal sanction. 28. Taken together, the prosecution and convictions of ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members reflect the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation to suppress lawful professional and human rights activities. This practice represents a serious breach of Türkiye’s international obligations, erodes the rule of law, and contributes to a climate in which legal defence and human rights work are treated as illegitimate or criminalised, rather than recognised as essential components of a democratic society. ACTIONS REQUESTED 29. In light of the above, we respectfully request that the Special Rapporteurs take the following urgent actions: (a) Call on the Turkish authorities to quash the convictions and sentences imposed on ÖHD lawyers and TUAD members and to ensure their immediate acquittal, including in respect of the lawyers Adem Çalışçı, Ayşe Acinikli, Ayşe Gösterişlioğlu, Hüseyin Boğatekin, Ramazan Demir, Raziye Öztürk, Ruhşen Mahmutoğlu, Sinan Zincir, Şefik Çelik, and Tamer Doğan; (b) Seek detailed information from the Government of Türkiye regarding the use of surveillance and intelligence evidence authorised by judicial officials who were later dismissed or convicted, and its compatibility with international fair trial standards, including safeguards relating to legality, necessity, proportionality, and effective judicial scrutiny; (c) Urge the authorities to end all forms of harassment, including judicial harassment, against the individuals concerned and against lawyers and human rights defenders more broadly, and to guarantee that they are able to carry out their professional and lawful activities freely, independently, and without intimidation or improper interference; (d) Raise, as a matter of priority, concerns regarding the criminalisation of legal defence work and prisoners’ rights advocacy, including through joint communications, given the cross-cutting implications for judicial independence, freedom of expression and association, and the protection of human rights defenders; (e) Call on the authorities to immediately cease the misuse of counter-terrorism legislation and related criminal provisions against lawyers and human rights defenders who expose, document, or challenge human rights violations, including those committed by security forces; (f) Urge Türkiye to take concrete measures, in law and in practice, to safeguard judicial independence, prevent undue interference with judges, prosecutors, and lawyers, and ensure compliance with binding judgments of the ECtHR; (g) Remind the Government of Türkiye of its binding international obligations, including under the ICCPR, the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, and relevant Council of Europe standards, and of its duty to ensure that criminal, administrative, or counter-terrorism measures are not used as tools of retaliation against lawyers and human rights defenders engaged in politically sensitive or human rights-related work. 30. We would be grateful to be informed of any action taken on this communication and of any response received from the Turkish authorities, and we kindly request acknowledgment of receipt of this submission. Signatories Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europe (Conseil des Barreaux Européens, CCBE) European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH) Human Rights Association (İnsan Hakları Derneği, IHD) Human Rights Fundation of Turkey (Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, TİHV) International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders International Observatory of Lawyers at Risk (OIAD) Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada (LRWC) Rights Initiative Association (Hak İnsiyatifi Derneği) Social Policy, Gender Identity and Sexual Orientation Association (SPoD) The Law Society of England and Wales (LSEW) Truth Justice Memory Center (Hakikat Adalet Hafıza Merkezi) World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), in the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/china-released-tibetan-environmental-defender-anya-sengdra-subjected-to-ongoing-harassment/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 13:45:51 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24469 Paris-Geneva, 25 February 2026. Anya Sengdra, Tibetan nomad and prominent community leader from Gade County in the Tibetan region of Golog (Qinghai Province) was originally due for release on 3 September 2025. However, Chinese authorities failed to free him on that date and instead imposed a one-year extension of his sentence reportedly on the grounds of alleged “prison rule violations” for theft, without any official announcement or transparent judicial procedure. This unlawful extension constituted an arbitrary detention in total violation of international human rights, including the fundamental right to liberty and the right to a fair trial. On 6 December 2019, the Gade County Court sentenced Anya Sengdra to seven years’ imprisonment on charges of “provoking troubles, forming a mob to disturb public order, and other malicious acts” under Article 293 of China’s Criminal Law for his peaceful environmental and anti-corruption activities. Through the grassroots initiative “Mangdon Ling” (“Public Affairs Forum”), he campaigned against illegal mining, poaching of endangered species, and the misappropriation of public funds by local officials for relocated Tibetan nomads. In the early stages of his detention, Anya Sengdra was beaten by officers of the Gade County Public Security Bureau and denied access to legal counsel for 48 days. He was also subjected to years of restricted family visits. Deprived of adequate medical care, his health severely deteriorated in prison, leading to vision loss, kidney disease, and high blood pressure. Although he has now returned to his home in Gade County’s Kyangche Township, he remains prohibited from speaking publicly about his case, sharing images or information online, and seeking necessary medical treatment. The Observatory recalls that in August 2023, three United Nations Special Rapporteurs raised Anya Sengdra’s case in a press release, urging the Chinese government to clarify his whereabouts, the legal basis for his detention, and his health condition. They further urged Chinese authorities to provide him with adequate medical care and to allow visits from his family. The Observatory expresses serious concern over the ongoing restrictions on Anya Sengdra’s freedom of expression and access to healthcare, which amount to continued judicial harassment. The Observatory urges the Chinese authorities to immediately lift all restrictions imposed on Anya Sengdra, ensure his fundamental right to liberty, and guarantee prompt and unhindered access to adequate medical care. It further calls on the authorities to put an end to the criminalisation and harassment of Tibetan environmental rights defenders and ensure that they can carry out their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities without fear of reprisals. The Observatory expresses its full and unequivocal support for Tibetan human rights defenders.]]> Paris-Geneva, 25 February 2026. Anya Sengdra, Tibetan nomad and prominent community leader from Gade County in the Tibetan region of Golog (Qinghai Province) was originally due for release on 3 September 2025. However, Chinese authorities failed to free him on that date and instead imposed a one-year extension of his sentence reportedly on the grounds of alleged “prison rule violations” for theft, without any official announcement or transparent judicial procedure. This unlawful extension constituted an arbitrary detention in total violation of international human rights, including the fundamental right to liberty and the right to a fair trial. On 6 December 2019, the Gade County Court sentenced Anya Sengdra to seven years’ imprisonment on charges of “provoking troubles, forming a mob to disturb public order, and other malicious acts” under Article 293 of China’s Criminal Law for his peaceful environmental and anti-corruption activities. Through the grassroots initiative “Mangdon Ling” (“Public Affairs Forum”), he campaigned against illegal mining, poaching of endangered species, and the misappropriation of public funds by local officials for relocated Tibetan nomads. In the early stages of his detention, Anya Sengdra was beaten by officers of the Gade County Public Security Bureau and denied access to legal counsel for 48 days. He was also subjected to years of restricted family visits. Deprived of adequate medical care, his health severely deteriorated in prison, leading to vision loss, kidney disease, and high blood pressure. Although he has now returned to his home in Gade County’s Kyangche Township, he remains prohibited from speaking publicly about his case, sharing images or information online, and seeking necessary medical treatment. The Observatory recalls that in August 2023, three United Nations Special Rapporteurs raised Anya Sengdra’s case in a press release, urging the Chinese government to clarify his whereabouts, the legal basis for his detention, and his health condition. They further urged Chinese authorities to provide him with adequate medical care and to allow visits from his family. The Observatory expresses serious concern over the ongoing restrictions on Anya Sengdra’s freedom of expression and access to healthcare, which amount to continued judicial harassment. The Observatory urges the Chinese authorities to immediately lift all restrictions imposed on Anya Sengdra, ensure his fundamental right to liberty, and guarantee prompt and unhindered access to adequate medical care. It further calls on the authorities to put an end to the criminalisation and harassment of Tibetan environmental rights defenders and ensure that they can carry out their legitimate and peaceful human rights activities without fear of reprisals. The Observatory expresses its full and unequivocal support for Tibetan human rights defenders.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/kenya-denial-of-entry-detention-and-deportation-of-zimbabwean-human-rights-defender-mr-brian-kagoro/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 13:44:54 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24482 Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the denial of entry, detention and deportation from Kenya of Mr Brian Kagoro, Zimbabwean human rights defender, constitutional lawyer, and Africa Director of the Open Society Foundations (OSF). Mr Brian Kagoro has long engaged in African human rights and governance initiatives. On 22 February 2026, Kenyan security authorities denied Mr Brian Kagoro entry into Kenya upon his arrival at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi. Officers from the National Intelligence Service held him at the airport for more than 10 hours and questioned him on the basis of allegations made by the Kenyan authorities that he had been involved in financing and coordinating protest activities in Kenya. During this period, authorities denied him access to a lawyer and prevented him from contacting his family or colleagues. Mr Kagoro rejects all the allegations and as an illustration of the false nature of these accusations, the authorities did not present any formal charges or any material evidence. Following his detention, immigration officials issued a removal order authorising the air carrier to return him to Johannesburg, South Africa, from where he had travelled. The removal order reportedly cited Section 54 of the Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Act of 2011, which relates to documentation-related offences, without any written explanation clarifying the factual basis. At the time of publication of this urgent appeal, Kenyan authorities have not formally issued any public information to explain the circumstances that led to their actions, nor have they announced any criminal charges against Mr Kagoro. The Observatory recalls that his deportation from the country ended a two-decade presence in Nairobi, where Mr Kagoro had established professional, academic and civic activities since the mid-2000s, when Nairobi consolidated its position as a regional hub for governance initiatives. This incident follows increased scrutiny by Kenyan authorities of civic actors and alleged foreign involvement in protest movements, particularly after the 2024 nationwide demonstrations against the Finance Bill. Indeed, Mr Kagoro’s deportation is not an isolated case, as the Observatory has already expressed concern about the deportation of Mr Martin Mavenjina, a senior legal advisor at the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), on 5 July 2025 for similar reasons. As another illustration, Kenya has been added to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlistdue to the escalation of repression of civic freedoms. These developments raise serious worries regarding the protection of civic space in Kenya and the ability of human rights defenders and civil society actors to operate without interference. The Observatory further recalls that Kenya must comply with its obligations under international and regional human rights law, including the rights to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, as enshrined in Articles 9, 12, 19, 21 and 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), as well as in Articles 9, 10 and 11 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR). Moreover, Article 47 of the Kenyan Constitution guarantees the right to fair administrative action, including the right to written reasons where rights are adversely affected. The Observatory considers that these administrative measures and patterns of harassment prevent human rights defenders from delivering public interventions or engaging in governance-related initiatives and undermine the democratic participation and respect of human rights in the country. The Observatory is extremely concerned about the absence of written reasons, the lack of formal charges, and the reliance on unsubstantiated allegations which raise serious concerns regarding due process guarantees and the principle of legality. Therefore, the Observatory strongly condemns the denial of entry, detention and deportation of Mr Brian Kagoro, which appear to be solely aimed at preventing him from engaging in legitimate human rights activities and interacting with civil society actors in Kenya. Actions requested: Please write to the authorities of Kenya asking them to: Guarantee in all circumstances the physical integrity and psychological well-being of Mr Brian Kagoro and all human rights defenders in Kenya; Provide a full, official, transparent and legally reasoned explanation of the legal and factual basis for denying Mr Brian Kagoro entry, detaining him and deporting him from Kenya; Ensure that all measures taken in relation to Mr Kagoro fully comply with Kenya’s obligations under the Constitution, the ICCPR and the ACHPR, including the rights to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, and the right to fair administrative action; Guarantee in all circumstances that human rights defenders, including foreign nationals engaging in legitimate civic activities, can carry out their work without arbitrary interference, harassment, intimidation, restrictions or reprisals.]]> Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the denial of entry, detention and deportation from Kenya of Mr Brian Kagoro, Zimbabwean human rights defender, constitutional lawyer, and Africa Director of the Open Society Foundations (OSF). Mr Brian Kagoro has long engaged in African human rights and governance initiatives. On 22 February 2026, Kenyan security authorities denied Mr Brian Kagoro entry into Kenya upon his arrival at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi. Officers from the National Intelligence Service held him at the airport for more than 10 hours and questioned him on the basis of allegations made by the Kenyan authorities that he had been involved in financing and coordinating protest activities in Kenya. During this period, authorities denied him access to a lawyer and prevented him from contacting his family or colleagues. Mr Kagoro rejects all the allegations and as an illustration of the false nature of these accusations, the authorities did not present any formal charges or any material evidence. Following his detention, immigration officials issued a removal order authorising the air carrier to return him to Johannesburg, South Africa, from where he had travelled. The removal order reportedly cited Section 54 of the Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Act of 2011, which relates to documentation-related offences, without any written explanation clarifying the factual basis. At the time of publication of this urgent appeal, Kenyan authorities have not formally issued any public information to explain the circumstances that led to their actions, nor have they announced any criminal charges against Mr Kagoro. The Observatory recalls that his deportation from the country ended a two-decade presence in Nairobi, where Mr Kagoro had established professional, academic and civic activities since the mid-2000s, when Nairobi consolidated its position as a regional hub for governance initiatives. This incident follows increased scrutiny by Kenyan authorities of civic actors and alleged foreign involvement in protest movements, particularly after the 2024 nationwide demonstrations against the Finance Bill. Indeed, Mr Kagoro’s deportation is not an isolated case, as the Observatory has already expressed concern about the deportation of Mr Martin Mavenjina, a senior legal advisor at the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC), on 5 July 2025 for similar reasons. As another illustration, Kenya has been added to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlistdue to the escalation of repression of civic freedoms. These developments raise serious worries regarding the protection of civic space in Kenya and the ability of human rights defenders and civil society actors to operate without interference. The Observatory further recalls that Kenya must comply with its obligations under international and regional human rights law, including the rights to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, as enshrined in Articles 9, 12, 19, 21 and 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), as well as in Articles 9, 10 and 11 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR). Moreover, Article 47 of the Kenyan Constitution guarantees the right to fair administrative action, including the right to written reasons where rights are adversely affected. The Observatory considers that these administrative measures and patterns of harassment prevent human rights defenders from delivering public interventions or engaging in governance-related initiatives and undermine the democratic participation and respect of human rights in the country. The Observatory is extremely concerned about the absence of written reasons, the lack of formal charges, and the reliance on unsubstantiated allegations which raise serious concerns regarding due process guarantees and the principle of legality. Therefore, the Observatory strongly condemns the denial of entry, detention and deportation of Mr Brian Kagoro, which appear to be solely aimed at preventing him from engaging in legitimate human rights activities and interacting with civil society actors in Kenya. Actions requested: Please write to the authorities of Kenya asking them to: Guarantee in all circumstances the physical integrity and psychological well-being of Mr Brian Kagoro and all human rights defenders in Kenya; Provide a full, official, transparent and legally reasoned explanation of the legal and factual basis for denying Mr Brian Kagoro entry, detaining him and deporting him from Kenya; Ensure that all measures taken in relation to Mr Kagoro fully comply with Kenya’s obligations under the Constitution, the ICCPR and the ACHPR, including the rights to liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, and the right to fair administrative action; Guarantee in all circumstances that human rights defenders, including foreign nationals engaging in legitimate civic activities, can carry out their work without arbitrary interference, harassment, intimidation, restrictions or reprisals.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/mauritanie-arrestations-detentions-et-poursuites-judiciaires-arbitraires-contre-huit-defenseur%c2%b7es-des-droits-humains-anti-esclavagistes/ Wed, 11 Mar 2026 09:01:08 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24504 Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.]]> Paris, Genève, Nouakchott, le 6 mars 2026. Au cours du mois de février, à la suite de la révélation d’un cas présumé d’esclavage impliquant une jeune enfant de 11 ans à Nouakchott et d’un rassemblement devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 de Nouakchott, six membres de l’IRA, dont une journaliste, ainsi que deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été arrêté·es et poursuivi·es par les autorités mauritaniennes. Iels sont accusé·es de « diffusion de fausses informations » et « association de malfaiteurs ». Le 4 février 2026, des membres de l’IRA ont rendu publiques des allégations relatives à l’asservissement de Nouha Mohamed, une jeune fille de la communauté haratine âgée de 11 ans, qui aurait été maintenue en situation de servitude domestique par un couple dans la capitale, Nouakchott. Faisant suite à cette dénonciation, les autorités ont ouvert une enquête et les personnes soupçonnées ont été brièvement placées en garde à vue avant d’être relâchées. Le 6 février 2026, durant l’interrogatoire des personnes soupçonnées dans l’affaire d’esclavage présumé, des militant·es de l’IRA se sont rassemblé·es devant le commissariat de Police de Dar Naïm 2 à Nouakchott afin d’exiger que les investigations soient menées de manière diligente et que la victime présumée et sa famille soient protégées. Les forces de police auraient alors dispersé violemment les militant·es présent·es devant le commissariat, blessant plusieurs d’entre elles et eux. Dans ce contexte, la journaliste et membre de la commission de communication de l’IRA, Warda Souleymane, a publié sur les réseaux sociaux, le 6 février, une déclaration dénonçant les violences subies par les manifestant·es ainsi que les conditions de détention de certain·es militant·es. Suite à une plainte de la Haute Autorité de la Presse et de l’Audiovisuel (HAPA) le 10 février 2026, elle a été convoquée puis arrêtée par la police à Nouakchott et placée en détention à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott, où elle demeure détenue pour diffusion présumée de fausses informations. Le 13 février 2026, Lemrabet Mahmoud, chef de la section de l’IRA à Nouadhibou, a, à son tour, été arrêté par les autorités et placé en détention dans la prison de Nouadhibou, après avoir dénoncé sur les réseaux sociaux l’arrestation de Warda Souleymane. Inculpé pour « incitation à la haine et à la discrimination » et pour « utilisation de moyens électroniques pour diffuser des discours haineux », M. Mahmoud a comparu le 5 mars devant le tribunal de Nouadhibou, qui l’a condamné à un an de prison avec sursis. Le 16 février 2026, les lanceuses d’alerte Lalla Vatma et Rachida Saleck ainsi que les membres de l’IRA Abdallahi Abou Diop, chargé de la protection des droits humains, Elhaj Elid, coordinateur national des sections, Bounass Hmeida, coordonnateur national adjoint, et Med Vadel Aleyatt, chef de section dans la commune de Koumbi Saleh, ont été arrêté·es après avoir été convoqué·es par la police de Dar Naïm. Après leur garde à vue au commissariat de Dar Naim 2, iels ont comparu devant un juge d’instruction du tribunal de Nouakchott Nord (cabinet n°2) le 23 février, qui les a inculpé·es pour « diffusion de fausses informations » et d’« association de malfaiteurs » et placé·es sous mandat de dépôt. Les hommes ont été transférés à la prison centrale de Nouakchott, communément appelée « prison des Salafistes », tandis que les deux lanceuses d’alerte ont été incarcérées à la prison des femmes de Nouakchott. Ces 6 détenu•es ont comparu le 4 mars devant le juge d’instruction pour l’interrogatoire sur le fond, lors duquel iels ont soulevé son incompétence. Les avocat·es de la défense contestent la base juridique de ces poursuites, estimant qu’elles visent à criminaliser les personnes ayant dénoncé un cas d’esclavage. L’Observatoire relève que la procédure aurait été marquée par plusieurs irrégularités, notamment des transferts de compétence entre juridictions, les requalifications successives susmentionnées et des restrictions dans l’accès à l’assistance juridique et aux soins médicaux pour certain·es détenu·es, alors même que plusieurs auraient été blessé·es lors de leur arrestation et subi des sévices corporels et psychologiques en détention. Or, la Mauritanie a ratifié la Convention contre la torture (CAT) en 2004 et son Protocole facultatif (OPCAT) en 2012, et a mis en place en 2015 un Mécanisme National de Prévention de la Torture (MNP), en vertu desquels elle s’est engagée à prévenir et punir ces pratiques. Ces événements s’inscrivent dans un contexte plus large de pressions récurrentes contre les défenseur·es des droits humains engagé·es dans la lutte contre l’esclavage en Mauritanie et en particulier contre les membres de l’IRA. Bien que l’esclavage ait été aboli en 1981 et qualifié de crime contre l’humanité par la loi de 2015, des organisations internationales et de la société civile continuent de documenter des pratiques esclavagistes affectant principalement la communauté haratine. A cet égard, les victimes, militant·es anti-esclavagistes et lanceur·ses d’alerte qui dénoncent ces faits sont régulièrement exposé·es à des représailles et à des poursuites judiciaires. Entre 2010 et 2018, le président de l’IRA et député Biram Dah Abeid a été arrêté à plusieurs reprises, notamment en août 2018, sur la base d’accusations liées à l’incitation à la violence et au discours de haine. De même, illustration d’un harcèlement judiciaire acharné, Warda Souleymane avait été arrêtée par les autorités mauritaniennes le 31 octobre 2025, à son retour de Banjul (Gambie), pour avoir dénoncé publiquement la discrimination raciale à l’encontre des populations noires mauritaniennes lors de la 85ᵉ session de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples (CADHP), avant d’être libérée sous contrôle judiciaire le 6 novembre 2025. Le 28 novembre 2025, neuf personnes, dont Dieynaba Ndiom, défenseure des droits des femmes, responsable des subventions pour l’Initiative Pananetugri pour le Bien-Être de la Femme (IPBF), avaient été arbitrairement arrêté·es avant d’être libéré·es sous caution et contrôle judiciaire le 5 décembre 2025. Ces arrestations répétées suscitent de vives préoccupations quant à l’utilisation du système judiciaire pour restreindre l’action légitime de défense des droits humains en Mauritanie. L’Observatoire note que l’arrestation et la poursuite de défenseur·es pour avoir dénoncé des faits présumés d’esclavage et participé à un rassemblement pacifique constituent des restrictions aux droits reconnus par le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’homme et des peuples, ratifiés par la Mauritanie. L’invocation d’infractions telles que la « diffusion de fausses informations » ou l’« association de malfaiteurs » afin de sanctionner la dénonciation de violations graves des droits humains soulève de sérieuses inquiétudes quant à la possibilité des défenseur·es de poursuivre leurs activités sans représailles, et contrevient à ce titre aux dispositions contenues dans la Déclaration des Nations unies sur les défenseur·es des droits humains. L’Observatoire condamne ainsi fermement l’arrestation, la détention et le harcèlement judiciaire visant les membres de l’IRA, dont la journaliste Warda Souleymane, ainsi que les deux lanceuses d’alerte, qui semblent directement liés à leurs activités légitimes et pacifiques de défense des droits humains. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités mauritaniennes à procéder à leur libération immédiate, à abandonner les charges à leur encontre et à garantir que l’ensemble des défenseur·es des droits humains puisse exercer leurs activités sans entrave ni représailles.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/philippines-arbitrary-detention-of-edel-parducho-and-three-odena/ Fri, 27 Feb 2026 13:45:24 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24476 Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of Mr Edel Parducho, Human Rights Education Officer at Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA), and Ms Three Odeña, a Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK) youth activist. PAHRA is a non-profit alliance of individuals, institutions, and organisations committed to the promotion, protection, and realisation of human rights in the Philippines, and is a member of FIDH and of the OMCT SOS-Torture network. SPARK is a national organisation of young student-leaders who fight against all forms of oppression and report on social issues, particularly those concerning the youth and marginalised sectors. On 25 February 2026, police officers from the Eastern Police District in Mandaluyong City, Metro Manila, arbitrarily arrested Edel Parducho and Three Odeña during a peaceful protest commemorating the 40th anniversary of the 1986 People Power Revolution on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Edel Parducho was acting as a marshal standing between the protesters and the police, and protecting female participants. Several times, the police forcefully pushed the protesters so that they would take up less space on the streets. Edel Parducho was hit multiple times on the back of his head with a shield, and was dragged by the collar of his shirt by the police until he fell to the ground. Once he was on the ground, several officers pinned him down and handcuffed him. Mr Parducho did not resist and remained in a defensive position throughout the incident. Three Odeña was taking photographs when she was pulled by her hair and arrested. On the same day, the two human rights defenders were charged by the National Capital Region Police Office with “direct assault”, “resistance to authority”, “illegal assembly”, and “physical injury”, allegations that are contradicted by video documentation and eyewitness accounts. As of 15:30 (Manila time) on 27 February 2026, Edel Parducho and Three Odeña were still arbitrarily detained at the Mandaluyong City police station. The Observatory notes with concern that the arbitrary arrests of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña occur amid a precarious situation for human rights defenders in the Philippines, who remain at risk of arbitrary detention, criminalisation, harassment, attacks, and, in some cases, killing. In addition, the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), which was passed in July 2020, further compounded the precarious situation for human rights defenders by legally institutionalising the practice of “red-tagging” defenders with overly broad and vague definitions of terrorism. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, which seems to be only aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities. The Observatory urges the authorities in the Philippines to immediately and unconditionally release Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, drop all unfounded charges against them and put an end to all acts of harassment against them and all human rights defenders in the country. The Observatory further calls on the authorities in the Philippines to guarantee, in all circumstances, the rights to freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly, as enshrined in international human rights law, and in particular in Articles 19 and 21 of the Internation Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which the Philippines has ratified.]]> Description of the situation: The Observatory has been informed about the arbitrary detention and judicial harassment of Mr Edel Parducho, Human Rights Education Officer at Philippine Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (PAHRA), and Ms Three Odeña, a Samahan ng Progresibong Kabataan (SPARK) youth activist. PAHRA is a non-profit alliance of individuals, institutions, and organisations committed to the promotion, protection, and realisation of human rights in the Philippines, and is a member of FIDH and of the OMCT SOS-Torture network. SPARK is a national organisation of young student-leaders who fight against all forms of oppression and report on social issues, particularly those concerning the youth and marginalised sectors. On 25 February 2026, police officers from the Eastern Police District in Mandaluyong City, Metro Manila, arbitrarily arrested Edel Parducho and Three Odeña during a peaceful protest commemorating the 40th anniversary of the 1986 People Power Revolution on Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA) in Quezon City, Metro Manila. Edel Parducho was acting as a marshal standing between the protesters and the police, and protecting female participants. Several times, the police forcefully pushed the protesters so that they would take up less space on the streets. Edel Parducho was hit multiple times on the back of his head with a shield, and was dragged by the collar of his shirt by the police until he fell to the ground. Once he was on the ground, several officers pinned him down and handcuffed him. Mr Parducho did not resist and remained in a defensive position throughout the incident. Three Odeña was taking photographs when she was pulled by her hair and arrested. On the same day, the two human rights defenders were charged by the National Capital Region Police Office with “direct assault”, “resistance to authority”, “illegal assembly”, and “physical injury”, allegations that are contradicted by video documentation and eyewitness accounts. As of 15:30 (Manila time) on 27 February 2026, Edel Parducho and Three Odeña were still arbitrarily detained at the Mandaluyong City police station. The Observatory notes with concern that the arbitrary arrests of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña occur amid a precarious situation for human rights defenders in the Philippines, who remain at risk of arbitrary detention, criminalisation, harassment, attacks, and, in some cases, killing. In addition, the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), which was passed in July 2020, further compounded the precarious situation for human rights defenders by legally institutionalising the practice of “red-tagging” defenders with overly broad and vague definitions of terrorism. The Observatory strongly condemns the arbitrary detention of Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, which seems to be only aimed at punishing them for their legitimate human rights activities. The Observatory urges the authorities in the Philippines to immediately and unconditionally release Edel Parducho and Three Odeña, drop all unfounded charges against them and put an end to all acts of harassment against them and all human rights defenders in the country. The Observatory further calls on the authorities in the Philippines to guarantee, in all circumstances, the rights to freedom of expression and of peaceful assembly, as enshrined in international human rights law, and in particular in Articles 19 and 21 of the Internation Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which the Philippines has ratified.]]> https://observatoryfordefenders.org/es/alert/iran-additional-prison-sentences-against-narges-mohammadi/ Wed, 18 Feb 2026 16:29:42 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24432 17 February 2026. The Free Narges Coalition Steering Committee stated: “The situation of Iran’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate under detention is not an isolated example, but an indicator of the vulnerability and risks faced by those detained for their defense of human rights or expression. The information we have received from verified sources about the condition of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners is deeply worrying. Following the nationwide demonstrations and ensuing massacre of protesters, the government is doubling down on dangerously harsh treatment of its growing number of political prisoners. Human rights defenders, journalists, writers, and artists are at the forefront of the fight for a free and democratic Iran. Narges Mohammadi and all prisoners of conscience must be freed immediately; they must have access to their chosen lawyer, regular contact with family, and medical care.” On 7 February 2026, Mohammadi’s lawyer announced that the Nobel laureate was transferred to Branch 1 of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court despite her objections. In protest against the unjust judicial process, she refused to provide a defense and was immediately handed down two harsh sentences. According to these new rulings, the human rights defender was sentenced to six years prison for “assembly and collusion against national security” and 18 months on the charge of “propaganda against the state.” Additionally, the judge issued supplementary punishments, including two years of internal exile to the city of Khosf, South Khorasan province in Iran and a two-year additional travel ban. Mohammadi, currently serving multiple prison sentences in a high security detention center in Mashhad, is facing more than 17 years of imprisonment since 2021. On 12 December 2025, Narges Mohammadi was arrested with a level of brutality unprecedented in her long history of judicial harassment. While attending the funeral of the late Iranian human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi in Mashhad, Mohammadi spoke to those gathered, offering a message of peace, unity, and national solidarity. It was during this peaceful assembly that plainclothes agents arrested her and others in an extremely violent manner. According to verified information, security forces encircled Mohammadi and other women defenders present and beat them repeatedly with wooden sticks and batons over their heads and between their legs, bruising her genital area and possibly fracturing her pelvic bone. During this assault, the agents threatened Mohammadi that “We will make your mother sit in mourning for you,” and that “Today is the last day of your life.” She was told that because they believed that she had “driven a dagger into the heart of the Islamic Republic,” they would “put a dagger back into her heart.” She was dragged across the ground by her hair with such force that sections of her scalp were torn away, leaving visible bald patches and open wounds. Inside the transport vehicle, agents broke another woman’s nose while forcing her to surrender her phone. Suffering from nausea, intense chest pain, and unusually high blood pressure, Mohammadi has reported feeling numb and being unable to breathe. When in solitary confinement, she has been overheard asking for help while shouting “I’m dying,” raising the possibility that she thought she was suffering a heart attack. Furthermore, she reported to not be able to sit down for several days due to the pelvic injury. Officials took detailed photographs of her extensive injuries, focusing specifically on the raw wounds on her scalp. During the first week of her arbitrary detention, Narges Mohammadi was transferred twice to hospital under heavy security measures. A physician confirmed that Mohammadi, who has a heart stent from a previous surgery, required urgent specialized cardiac care after serious medical negligence underdetention. In the first week of February, suffering from severe nausea, she was transferred again for a head scan, likely to Razavi Hospital in Mashhad, where doctors also provided an ointment for her scalp and gave her several unexplained injections. She was then returned to solitary confinement for weeks, kept in a windowless cell with constant artificial lighting that made it impossible to distinguish day from night, forced to sleep on a thin rug over ceramic tiles and not appropriately fed. Narges Mohammadi’s life remains in immediate danger. Despite her critical state, she is subjected to lengthy interrogation sessions to force a confession and a condemnation of the protests, which began on 28 December and continued for several weeks in January, leading to the killing of thousands of protesters. She has refused to comply, despite direct threats that she “won’t live to see the sun.” On the evening of 2 February, guards raided her cell and assaulted all detainees with electric shock devices. Prior to her arrest, Mohammadi was undergoing diagnostic testing for breast tumors; interrupting this, combined with cardiac distress and physical trauma, presents a high risk. Over two months into her unjust arrest, Mohammadi has been allowed only two short phone calls, both of which were abruptly cut short as she tried to recount her detention situation and current health condition. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate began a hunger strike on Monday, 2 February, to protest her continued unlawful detention, her dire detention conditions, and the denial of contact with her family or lawyers—realities faced by numerous prisoners currently held in Iran. Mohammadi ended her hunger strike six days later, amidst alarming reports about her health. Narges Mohammadi is a human rights defender, journalist, author, and the deputy director and spokesperson of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC) in Iran. Having spent more than 10 years of her life behind bars, her current period of detention began in December 2025. Throughout her life, she has been sentenced to a total of 44 years in prison, which includes previous sentences totaling 13 years and nine months for charges such as committing “propaganda activity against the state” and “collusion against state security.” She is the recipient of numerous international awards for her tireless struggle for human rights, including the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, the 2023 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize, the 2023 PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award, and the 2022 Reporters Without Borders Prize for Courage. This statement is issued by the Free Narges Coalition steering committee and does not necessarily reflect the position of all Coalition members. The steering committee is led by the Narges Foundation, PEN America, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Front Line Defenders. Join us in calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners in Iran.]]> 17 February 2026. The Free Narges Coalition Steering Committee stated: “The situation of Iran’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate under detention is not an isolated example, but an indicator of the vulnerability and risks faced by those detained for their defense of human rights or expression. The information we have received from verified sources about the condition of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners is deeply worrying. Following the nationwide demonstrations and ensuing massacre of protesters, the government is doubling down on dangerously harsh treatment of its growing number of political prisoners. Human rights defenders, journalists, writers, and artists are at the forefront of the fight for a free and democratic Iran. Narges Mohammadi and all prisoners of conscience must be freed immediately; they must have access to their chosen lawyer, regular contact with family, and medical care.” On 7 February 2026, Mohammadi’s lawyer announced that the Nobel laureate was transferred to Branch 1 of the Mashhad Revolutionary Court despite her objections. In protest against the unjust judicial process, she refused to provide a defense and was immediately handed down two harsh sentences. According to these new rulings, the human rights defender was sentenced to six years prison for “assembly and collusion against national security” and 18 months on the charge of “propaganda against the state.” Additionally, the judge issued supplementary punishments, including two years of internal exile to the city of Khosf, South Khorasan province in Iran and a two-year additional travel ban. Mohammadi, currently serving multiple prison sentences in a high security detention center in Mashhad, is facing more than 17 years of imprisonment since 2021. On 12 December 2025, Narges Mohammadi was arrested with a level of brutality unprecedented in her long history of judicial harassment. While attending the funeral of the late Iranian human rights lawyer Khosrow Alikordi in Mashhad, Mohammadi spoke to those gathered, offering a message of peace, unity, and national solidarity. It was during this peaceful assembly that plainclothes agents arrested her and others in an extremely violent manner. According to verified information, security forces encircled Mohammadi and other women defenders present and beat them repeatedly with wooden sticks and batons over their heads and between their legs, bruising her genital area and possibly fracturing her pelvic bone. During this assault, the agents threatened Mohammadi that “We will make your mother sit in mourning for you,” and that “Today is the last day of your life.” She was told that because they believed that she had “driven a dagger into the heart of the Islamic Republic,” they would “put a dagger back into her heart.” She was dragged across the ground by her hair with such force that sections of her scalp were torn away, leaving visible bald patches and open wounds. Inside the transport vehicle, agents broke another woman’s nose while forcing her to surrender her phone. Suffering from nausea, intense chest pain, and unusually high blood pressure, Mohammadi has reported feeling numb and being unable to breathe. When in solitary confinement, she has been overheard asking for help while shouting “I’m dying,” raising the possibility that she thought she was suffering a heart attack. Furthermore, she reported to not be able to sit down for several days due to the pelvic injury. Officials took detailed photographs of her extensive injuries, focusing specifically on the raw wounds on her scalp. During the first week of her arbitrary detention, Narges Mohammadi was transferred twice to hospital under heavy security measures. A physician confirmed that Mohammadi, who has a heart stent from a previous surgery, required urgent specialized cardiac care after serious medical negligence underdetention. In the first week of February, suffering from severe nausea, she was transferred again for a head scan, likely to Razavi Hospital in Mashhad, where doctors also provided an ointment for her scalp and gave her several unexplained injections. She was then returned to solitary confinement for weeks, kept in a windowless cell with constant artificial lighting that made it impossible to distinguish day from night, forced to sleep on a thin rug over ceramic tiles and not appropriately fed. Narges Mohammadi’s life remains in immediate danger. Despite her critical state, she is subjected to lengthy interrogation sessions to force a confession and a condemnation of the protests, which began on 28 December and continued for several weeks in January, leading to the killing of thousands of protesters. She has refused to comply, despite direct threats that she “won’t live to see the sun.” On the evening of 2 February, guards raided her cell and assaulted all detainees with electric shock devices. Prior to her arrest, Mohammadi was undergoing diagnostic testing for breast tumors; interrupting this, combined with cardiac distress and physical trauma, presents a high risk. Over two months into her unjust arrest, Mohammadi has been allowed only two short phone calls, both of which were abruptly cut short as she tried to recount her detention situation and current health condition. The Nobel Peace Prize laureate began a hunger strike on Monday, 2 February, to protest her continued unlawful detention, her dire detention conditions, and the denial of contact with her family or lawyers—realities faced by numerous prisoners currently held in Iran. Mohammadi ended her hunger strike six days later, amidst alarming reports about her health. Narges Mohammadi is a human rights defender, journalist, author, and the deputy director and spokesperson of the Defenders of Human Rights Centre (DHRC) in Iran. Having spent more than 10 years of her life behind bars, her current period of detention began in December 2025. Throughout her life, she has been sentenced to a total of 44 years in prison, which includes previous sentences totaling 13 years and nine months for charges such as committing “propaganda activity against the state” and “collusion against state security.” She is the recipient of numerous international awards for her tireless struggle for human rights, including the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, the 2023 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize, the 2023 PEN/Barbey Freedom to Write Award, and the 2022 Reporters Without Borders Prize for Courage. This statement is issued by the Free Narges Coalition steering committee and does not necessarily reflect the position of all Coalition members. The steering committee is led by the Narges Foundation, PEN America, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Front Line Defenders. Join us in calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Narges Mohammadi and other political prisoners in Iran.]]>