Youth rights – The Observatory For Defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org Mon, 15 Dec 2025 14:37:42 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/cropped-OB-eye-orange-32x32.png Youth rights – The Observatory For Defenders https://observatoryfordefenders.org 32 32 Laos: After 13 years, renewed international action needed to ensure justice in Sombath Somphone’s enforced disappearance https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/laos-after-13-years-renewed-international-action-needed-to-ensure-justice-in-sombath-somphones-enforced-disappearance/ Mon, 15 Dec 2025 14:28:42 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24258 15 December 2025. On the 13-year anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, we, the undersigned civil society organizations and individuals worldwide, urge once again United Nations (UN) member states and Laos’ development and international cooperation partners to demand the Lao government promptly resolve Sombath’s enforced disappearance and deliver justice and an effective remedy and reparations to him and his family. Despite calls by civil society organizations for states to use the fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Laos in April 2025 to express their concern over the Lao government’s protracted failure to determine Sombath Somphone’s fate or whereabouts, only one — Canada — recommended the Lao government conduct a credible investigation into Sombath’s enforced disappearance. We deplore this silence over Sombath’s enforced disappearance, as it is likely to continue to facilitate the Lao authorities in their determination to shield the perpetrators of such a serious crime from accountability. We note that various individuals who occupied high-ranking positions in the government when Sombath disappeared retain important official roles in the country’s political sphere today. These individuals could and should play a proactive role in clarifying Sombath’s fate and achieving truth and justice. For example, Thongloun Sisoulith, who served as Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of Laos at the time of Sombath’s enforced disappearance, is now the country’s President and the General Secretary of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party – effectively, the supreme leader of Laos. Chaleun Yiapaoher, then-Minister of Justice, is now one of the National Assembly’s Vice-Presidents. Thongsing Thammavong, then-Prime Minister, is currently a National Assembly member. These and other influential individuals hold the key to resolve Sombath’s enforced disappearance - a case that has been described by the International Commission of Jurists as “eminently solvable.” UN member states and Laos’ development and international cooperation partners should press the government to establish the fate or whereabouts of Sombath and all other victims of enforced disappearances in the country, identify the suspected perpetrators of such serious crimes, and provide victims with an effective remedy and full reparations. To date, no case of enforced disappearance in Laos has been resolved and no perpetrators have been identified or brought to justice. In its September 2025 report, the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances emphasized that the disappearance of community leaders such as Sombath resulted in a collective impact on the groups to which they belonged, including by weakening community ties, depriving them of leadership, and increasing their vulnerability to “cultural erosion and environmental exploitation.” The Working Group further stated that Sombath’s disappearance created a chilling effect on public participation, noting reports of “serious risks and fear” of retaliation when his name is mentioned. We urge the Lao government to promptly ratify, without reservations, the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, which it signed in September 2008, and fully implement it into national law, policies, and practices. We continue to stand in solidarity with Sombath and his family and urge UN member states to support our calls for truth, justice, and accountability for all cases of victims of enforced disappearance in Laos. Even if 13 years have passed, the Lao government is obligated to answer the question we and many others have been asking since 15 December 2012: “Where is Sombath”? Background Sombath Somphone, a pioneer in community-based development and youth empowerment, was last seen at a police checkpoint on a busy street in Vientiane, the capital of Laos, on the evening of 15 December 2012. Footage from a traffic CCTV camera showed that police stopped Sombath’s vehicle at the checkpoint and that, within minutes, unknown individuals forced him into another vehicle and drove him away in the presence of police officers. CCTV footage also showed an unknown individual arriving and driving Sombath’s vehicle away from the city center. In December 2015, Sombath’s family obtained new CCTV footage from the same area and made it public. The video shows Sombath’s car being driven back towards the city by an unknown individual. For further information, please visit: https://www.sombath.org/]]> 15 December 2025. On the 13-year anniversary of the enforced disappearance of Lao civil society leader Sombath Somphone, we, the undersigned civil society organizations and individuals worldwide, urge once again United Nations (UN) member states and Laos’ development and international cooperation partners to demand the Lao government promptly resolve Sombath’s enforced disappearance and deliver justice and an effective remedy and reparations to him and his family. Despite calls by civil society organizations for states to use the fourth Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Laos in April 2025 to express their concern over the Lao government’s protracted failure to determine Sombath Somphone’s fate or whereabouts, only one — Canada — recommended the Lao government conduct a credible investigation into Sombath’s enforced disappearance. We deplore this silence over Sombath’s enforced disappearance, as it is likely to continue to facilitate the Lao authorities in their determination to shield the perpetrators of such a serious crime from accountability. We note that various individuals who occupied high-ranking positions in the government when Sombath disappeared retain important official roles in the country’s political sphere today. These individuals could and should play a proactive role in clarifying Sombath’s fate and achieving truth and justice. For example, Thongloun Sisoulith, who served as Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of Laos at the time of Sombath’s enforced disappearance, is now the country’s President and the General Secretary of the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party – effectively, the supreme leader of Laos. Chaleun Yiapaoher, then-Minister of Justice, is now one of the National Assembly’s Vice-Presidents. Thongsing Thammavong, then-Prime Minister, is currently a National Assembly member. These and other influential individuals hold the key to resolve Sombath’s enforced disappearance - a case that has been described by the International Commission of Jurists as “eminently solvable.” UN member states and Laos’ development and international cooperation partners should press the government to establish the fate or whereabouts of Sombath and all other victims of enforced disappearances in the country, identify the suspected perpetrators of such serious crimes, and provide victims with an effective remedy and full reparations. To date, no case of enforced disappearance in Laos has been resolved and no perpetrators have been identified or brought to justice. In its September 2025 report, the UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances emphasized that the disappearance of community leaders such as Sombath resulted in a collective impact on the groups to which they belonged, including by weakening community ties, depriving them of leadership, and increasing their vulnerability to “cultural erosion and environmental exploitation.” The Working Group further stated that Sombath’s disappearance created a chilling effect on public participation, noting reports of “serious risks and fear” of retaliation when his name is mentioned. We urge the Lao government to promptly ratify, without reservations, the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, which it signed in September 2008, and fully implement it into national law, policies, and practices. We continue to stand in solidarity with Sombath and his family and urge UN member states to support our calls for truth, justice, and accountability for all cases of victims of enforced disappearance in Laos. Even if 13 years have passed, the Lao government is obligated to answer the question we and many others have been asking since 15 December 2012: “Where is Sombath”? Background Sombath Somphone, a pioneer in community-based development and youth empowerment, was last seen at a police checkpoint on a busy street in Vientiane, the capital of Laos, on the evening of 15 December 2012. Footage from a traffic CCTV camera showed that police stopped Sombath’s vehicle at the checkpoint and that, within minutes, unknown individuals forced him into another vehicle and drove him away in the presence of police officers. CCTV footage also showed an unknown individual arriving and driving Sombath’s vehicle away from the city center. In December 2015, Sombath’s family obtained new CCTV footage from the same area and made it public. The video shows Sombath’s car being driven back towards the city by an unknown individual. For further information, please visit: https://www.sombath.org/]]> Répression de la Gen Z au Togo : 48 activistes doivent être libéré.es de toute urgence https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/repression-de-la-gen-z-au-togo-48-activistes-doivent-etre-libere-es-de-toute-urgence/ Wed, 22 Oct 2025 19:01:37 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24100 Lomé-Genève, 22 octobre 2025 : Depuis le 5 juin 2025, au moins 133 jeunes activistes togolais.es s'étant exprimé.es ou réuni.es pacifiquement pour porter des revendications citoyennes ont été arrêté·es arbitrairement - dont 48 sont toujours en détention. Vingt organisations de la société civile internationales, régionales et nationales exigent aujourd’hui leur libération immédiate et inconditionnelle et expriment leurs vives préoccupations quant à la fermeture de l’espace civique au Togo depuis l'avènement de la Ve République. Officialisée le 3 mai 2025, la Ve République a permis à Faure Gnassingbé, l’ancien Président de la République qui achevait son 4e quinquennat le même jour, de devenir “Président du Conseil des ministres”, poste sans limite de mandats ni de pouvoirs. Les contestations de ce changement de régime par l’opposition et la société civile ont été muselées par l’interdiction de toute manifestation, et l’intimidation et la détention de celles et ceux ayant osé prendre la parole. C’est la détention incommunicado et les actes de torture à l’encontre de l’artiste engagé et cyberactiviste “Aamron” le 28 mai 2025, en représailles à ses prises de parole critique du gouvernement sur les réseaux sociaux, qui symbolisera le début du soulèvement de la jeunesse togolaise en quête de justice sociale et de dignité. Les 5 et 6 juin, puis le 26, 27 et 28 juin 2025, des centaines de jeunes togolais.es sont sorti.es dans la rue pour exprimer leur mécontentement. Ces manifestations pacifiques ont été très violement réprimées, le Groupe d’intervention judiciaire Afrique de l’OMCT dénombrera au moins 5 exécutions extrajudiciaires, 21 cas de torture et 105 arrestations arbitraires - dont 18 ont été condamnés à 12 mois de prison (avec 11 mois assortis de sursis), ravivant le douloureux souvenir de la répression sanglante des manifestations de 2017 au Togo. Depuis ces manifestations, les autorités togolaises se sont attelées à prévenir et punir l’expression de toute voix dissidente, et en particulier celle de la Génération Z : accès aux réseaux sociaux restreint et limitation d’internet, criminalisation des likes sur ces plateformes par le Procureur près le Tribunal de Grande instance de Lomé alors que le Code pénal togolais ne le prévoit pas, interdiction et répression des tentatives de manifestations, et chasse aux jeunes activistes, notamment par l'infiltration des comptes Whatsapp de leurs proches. Les vingt organisations signataires ont en effet comptabilisé au moins 133 disparitions forcées de courte durée et arrestations arbitraires d’activistes entre le début des manifestations et jusqu’à la date de publication de cette déclaration, en plus du harcèlement judiciaire, des menaces et intimidations que ces dernier.es subissent au quotidien. Parmi les méthodes illégales d’appréhension de ces jeunes activistes figurent le refus de présentation d’un mandat d’arrêt et de communication des motifs de l'arrestation. Plusieurs activistes ont rapporté avoir subi des actes de torture et mauvais traitements - dont des violences sexuelles, lors de leur garde-à-vue, avoir été confronté à des refus d’accès aux soins et de visites de leur avocat et famille, ou encore avoir été empêché d’informer leurs proches de leur détention. Malgré les multiples dénonciations de la société civile et des procédures spéciales des Nations Unies depuis le début de l’année, le Togo n’a pris aucune mesure pour libérer les défenseur.es arbitrairement détenu.es, ouvrir des enquêtes indépendantes sur les violations de leurs droits, répondre aux revendications sociales des citoyen.nes, ou encore garantir leur libre participation à la vie sociale, économique et politique du pays, pourtant essentielle à la paix et la démocratie comme le rappelait M. Faure Gnassingbé lui-même lors du Lomé Peace and Security Forum II. Les organisations signataires condamnent ainsi fermement la criminalisation des jeunes activistes et exige leur libération immédiate et inconditionnelle, conformément aux obligations nationales, régionales et internationales relatives aux libertés d’expression et de réunion auxquelles le Togo s’est engagées, en particulier aux articles 5 et 9 de la partie annexe de la nouvelle Constitution togolaise, aux articles 9 et 10 de la Charte africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples et aux articles 19 et 22 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques des Nations Unies.]]> Lomé-Genève, 22 octobre 2025 : Depuis le 5 juin 2025, au moins 133 jeunes activistes togolais.es s'étant exprimé.es ou réuni.es pacifiquement pour porter des revendications citoyennes ont été arrêté·es arbitrairement - dont 48 sont toujours en détention. Vingt organisations de la société civile internationales, régionales et nationales exigent aujourd’hui leur libération immédiate et inconditionnelle et expriment leurs vives préoccupations quant à la fermeture de l’espace civique au Togo depuis l'avènement de la Ve République. Officialisée le 3 mai 2025, la Ve République a permis à Faure Gnassingbé, l’ancien Président de la République qui achevait son 4e quinquennat le même jour, de devenir “Président du Conseil des ministres”, poste sans limite de mandats ni de pouvoirs. Les contestations de ce changement de régime par l’opposition et la société civile ont été muselées par l’interdiction de toute manifestation, et l’intimidation et la détention de celles et ceux ayant osé prendre la parole. C’est la détention incommunicado et les actes de torture à l’encontre de l’artiste engagé et cyberactiviste “Aamron” le 28 mai 2025, en représailles à ses prises de parole critique du gouvernement sur les réseaux sociaux, qui symbolisera le début du soulèvement de la jeunesse togolaise en quête de justice sociale et de dignité. Les 5 et 6 juin, puis le 26, 27 et 28 juin 2025, des centaines de jeunes togolais.es sont sorti.es dans la rue pour exprimer leur mécontentement. Ces manifestations pacifiques ont été très violement réprimées, le Groupe d’intervention judiciaire Afrique de l’OMCT dénombrera au moins 5 exécutions extrajudiciaires, 21 cas de torture et 105 arrestations arbitraires - dont 18 ont été condamnés à 12 mois de prison (avec 11 mois assortis de sursis), ravivant le douloureux souvenir de la répression sanglante des manifestations de 2017 au Togo. Depuis ces manifestations, les autorités togolaises se sont attelées à prévenir et punir l’expression de toute voix dissidente, et en particulier celle de la Génération Z : accès aux réseaux sociaux restreint et limitation d’internet, criminalisation des likes sur ces plateformes par le Procureur près le Tribunal de Grande instance de Lomé alors que le Code pénal togolais ne le prévoit pas, interdiction et répression des tentatives de manifestations, et chasse aux jeunes activistes, notamment par l'infiltration des comptes Whatsapp de leurs proches. Les vingt organisations signataires ont en effet comptabilisé au moins 133 disparitions forcées de courte durée et arrestations arbitraires d’activistes entre le début des manifestations et jusqu’à la date de publication de cette déclaration, en plus du harcèlement judiciaire, des menaces et intimidations que ces dernier.es subissent au quotidien. Parmi les méthodes illégales d’appréhension de ces jeunes activistes figurent le refus de présentation d’un mandat d’arrêt et de communication des motifs de l'arrestation. Plusieurs activistes ont rapporté avoir subi des actes de torture et mauvais traitements - dont des violences sexuelles, lors de leur garde-à-vue, avoir été confronté à des refus d’accès aux soins et de visites de leur avocat et famille, ou encore avoir été empêché d’informer leurs proches de leur détention. Malgré les multiples dénonciations de la société civile et des procédures spéciales des Nations Unies depuis le début de l’année, le Togo n’a pris aucune mesure pour libérer les défenseur.es arbitrairement détenu.es, ouvrir des enquêtes indépendantes sur les violations de leurs droits, répondre aux revendications sociales des citoyen.nes, ou encore garantir leur libre participation à la vie sociale, économique et politique du pays, pourtant essentielle à la paix et la démocratie comme le rappelait M. Faure Gnassingbé lui-même lors du Lomé Peace and Security Forum II. Les organisations signataires condamnent ainsi fermement la criminalisation des jeunes activistes et exige leur libération immédiate et inconditionnelle, conformément aux obligations nationales, régionales et internationales relatives aux libertés d’expression et de réunion auxquelles le Togo s’est engagées, en particulier aux articles 5 et 9 de la partie annexe de la nouvelle Constitution togolaise, aux articles 9 et 10 de la Charte africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples et aux articles 19 et 22 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques des Nations Unies.]]> Madagascar : répression d’une manifestation pacifique dénonçant les coupures d’eau et d’électricité https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/madagascar-repression-dune-manifestation-pacifique-denoncant-les-coupures-deau-et-delectricite/ Tue, 30 Sep 2025 12:38:17 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=24031 Paris-Genève, 30 septembre 2025 – Le 25 septembre 2025, une manifestation pacifique organisée par la jeunesse malgache a été violemment réprimée à Antananarivo, la capitale. Les manifestant·es dénonçaient les incessantes coupures d’eau et d’électricité, ainsi que l’insécurité et la corruption généralisée au sein des élites politiques. L’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains (un programme conjoint de la FIDH et de l’OMCT) condamne fermement cette répression violente et appelle les autorités malgaches à respecter leurs obligations internationales et à protéger le droit de chacun·e à manifester pacifiquement. Partie du quartier d’Ambohijatovo, dans le centre de la capitale, la manifestation -inédite de par son ampleur- répondait à un appel lancé sur les réseaux sociaux par la jeunesse malgache, relayé par des étudiant·es, des organisations de la société civile et des syndicats, contre les délestages d’eau et d’électricité – pouvant atteindre jusqu’à 12 heures par jour dans certains quartiers, mais aussi contre la corruption massive des institutions du pays et l’insécurité généralisée. Les forces de sécurité ont violemment dispersé la manifestation -non autorisée par la préfecture d’Antananarivo à l’aide de gaz lacrymogènes, de matraques et de tirs de balles en caoutchouc, procédant à l’arrestation d’au moins trois manifestant·es, dont deux défenseurs des droits humains. Ces derniers ont été arrêtés, torturés, et privés d’accès à un·e avocat·e et à leurs proches, en violation flagrante du droit à la liberté de réunion pacifique et des garanties fondamentales de procédure. Plusieurs autres personnes ont été menacées d’arrestation. Une trentaine de personnes, -y compris des journalistes qui couvraient la manifestation- ont été blessé·es, dont dix grièvement. Certaines se trouvaient même à leur domicile lorsque des grenades lacrymogènes ont éclaté dans leur jardin. Un nourrisson serait également décédé des suites de l’exposition aux gaz lacrymogènes. Selon les Nations unies, au moins 22 personnes sont aussi décédées lors des pillages et violences survenus dans la nuit du 25 au 26 septembre, après la manifestation pacifique. A la suite de cette manifestation, nombreux.ses sont les défenseur·es des droits humains et jeunes manifestant.es qui continuent de recevoir des menaces et intimidations, pour les dissuader de poursuivre leur mouvement de contestation. L’Observatoire rappelle que Madagascar est partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples, qui garantissent le droit à la liberté de réunion pacifique, respectivement en leurs articles 21 et 11. Toute restriction à ce droit doit être strictement nécessaire, proportionnée et prévue par la loi - des conditions manifestement absentes dans ce cas. La Rapporteuse spéciale des Nations unies sur le droit à la réunion pacifique et la liberté d’association s’est d’ailleurs publiquement inquiétée de la violente répression de la manifestation du 25 septembre. L’Observatoire constate que l’espace civique à Madagascar est de plus en plus restreint. Ce nouvel acte de répression d’une manifestation pacifique illustre une tendance inquiétante à vouloir réduire au silence les voix critiques, en particulier celles de la jeunesse qui réclame transparence, bonne gouvernance et justice. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités malgaches à garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et psychologique de l’ensemble des manifestant·es pacifiques et des défenseur·es des droits humains dans le pays ; à respecter leurs garanties procédurales fondamentales telles que les observations finales du Comité des Nations unies contre la torture l’ont recommandé à Madagascar ; à ouvrir une enquête indépendante et impartiale sur l’usage excessif de la force par les forces de sécurité – ayant conduit à de multiples blessures - et traduire les responsables en justice. L’État doit mettre fin de toute urgence aux pratiques généralisées d’intimidation et de harcèlement visant celles et ceux qui dénoncent la corruption et les abus de pouvoir commis par les autorités gouvernementales.]]> Paris-Genève, 30 septembre 2025 – Le 25 septembre 2025, une manifestation pacifique organisée par la jeunesse malgache a été violemment réprimée à Antananarivo, la capitale. Les manifestant·es dénonçaient les incessantes coupures d’eau et d’électricité, ainsi que l’insécurité et la corruption généralisée au sein des élites politiques. L’Observatoire pour la protection des défenseur·es des droits humains (un programme conjoint de la FIDH et de l’OMCT) condamne fermement cette répression violente et appelle les autorités malgaches à respecter leurs obligations internationales et à protéger le droit de chacun·e à manifester pacifiquement. Partie du quartier d’Ambohijatovo, dans le centre de la capitale, la manifestation -inédite de par son ampleur- répondait à un appel lancé sur les réseaux sociaux par la jeunesse malgache, relayé par des étudiant·es, des organisations de la société civile et des syndicats, contre les délestages d’eau et d’électricité – pouvant atteindre jusqu’à 12 heures par jour dans certains quartiers, mais aussi contre la corruption massive des institutions du pays et l’insécurité généralisée. Les forces de sécurité ont violemment dispersé la manifestation -non autorisée par la préfecture d’Antananarivo à l’aide de gaz lacrymogènes, de matraques et de tirs de balles en caoutchouc, procédant à l’arrestation d’au moins trois manifestant·es, dont deux défenseurs des droits humains. Ces derniers ont été arrêtés, torturés, et privés d’accès à un·e avocat·e et à leurs proches, en violation flagrante du droit à la liberté de réunion pacifique et des garanties fondamentales de procédure. Plusieurs autres personnes ont été menacées d’arrestation. Une trentaine de personnes, -y compris des journalistes qui couvraient la manifestation- ont été blessé·es, dont dix grièvement. Certaines se trouvaient même à leur domicile lorsque des grenades lacrymogènes ont éclaté dans leur jardin. Un nourrisson serait également décédé des suites de l’exposition aux gaz lacrymogènes. Selon les Nations unies, au moins 22 personnes sont aussi décédées lors des pillages et violences survenus dans la nuit du 25 au 26 septembre, après la manifestation pacifique. A la suite de cette manifestation, nombreux.ses sont les défenseur·es des droits humains et jeunes manifestant.es qui continuent de recevoir des menaces et intimidations, pour les dissuader de poursuivre leur mouvement de contestation. L’Observatoire rappelle que Madagascar est partie au Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques (PIDCP) et à la Charte africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples, qui garantissent le droit à la liberté de réunion pacifique, respectivement en leurs articles 21 et 11. Toute restriction à ce droit doit être strictement nécessaire, proportionnée et prévue par la loi - des conditions manifestement absentes dans ce cas. La Rapporteuse spéciale des Nations unies sur le droit à la réunion pacifique et la liberté d’association s’est d’ailleurs publiquement inquiétée de la violente répression de la manifestation du 25 septembre. L’Observatoire constate que l’espace civique à Madagascar est de plus en plus restreint. Ce nouvel acte de répression d’une manifestation pacifique illustre une tendance inquiétante à vouloir réduire au silence les voix critiques, en particulier celles de la jeunesse qui réclame transparence, bonne gouvernance et justice. L’Observatoire appelle les autorités malgaches à garantir en toutes circonstances l’intégrité physique et psychologique de l’ensemble des manifestant·es pacifiques et des défenseur·es des droits humains dans le pays ; à respecter leurs garanties procédurales fondamentales telles que les observations finales du Comité des Nations unies contre la torture l’ont recommandé à Madagascar ; à ouvrir une enquête indépendante et impartiale sur l’usage excessif de la force par les forces de sécurité – ayant conduit à de multiples blessures - et traduire les responsables en justice. L’État doit mettre fin de toute urgence aux pratiques généralisées d’intimidation et de harcèlement visant celles et ceux qui dénoncent la corruption et les abus de pouvoir commis par les autorités gouvernementales.]]> Uganda : Stop judicial harassment against human rights defender Ssuuna James https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/uganda-stop-judicial-harassment-against-human-rights-defender-ssuuna-james/ Fri, 16 May 2025 14:36:34 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=23443 The Observatory has been informed about the ongoing judicial harassment of Mr. Ssuuna James, a cyberactivist and human rights defender, founder and Executive Director of Freedom Hive Uganda, an organisation committed to social justice, gender equality, and rights of marginalized groups in Uganda.

On 19 May 2025, Ssuuna James is expected to appear before the Chief Magistrates’ Court of Kampala for the next hearing in his trial for “common nuisance” (Section 148 (1) cap 128 of the Penal code) charges. If convicted, Mr. Ssuuna could face up to two years in prison.

The charge against Mr. Ssuuna stems from his participation to a peaceful protest against the government’s delay in implementing the Supreme Court ruling ordering the transfer of civilian cases from military to civilian courts1, which took place on 10 February 2025 at Constitutional Square in Kampala. During this protest, more than five uniformed and plain-clothed police officers violently dragged Mr. Ssuuna to the ground, forcefully lifted him and arrested him. These acts of ill-treatment resulted in physical injuries, including serious harm to his genital area, with lasting effects to this day. Following his arrest, Mr. Ssuuna was arbitrarily detained for two nights at the Central Police Station in Kampala, beyond the 48-hour limit set by Article 23(4)(b) of the Constitution.

On 12 February 2025, he was charged with “common nuisance” before Grade 1 Magistrate Alex Niyonzima and remanded to Luzira Prison. On the same day, his bail application was denied, but he was released on bail the following day.

Subsequently, Mr. Ssuuna appeared multiple times before the same magistrate on 4 March, 14 March and 15 April 2025 regarding the same charge. As the prosecution failed to present any witnesses, another hearing has been scheduled for 19 May 2025.

On 4 May 2025, Mr. Ssuuna received the following threat from an unidentified user in response to his post on the social media X about the arbitrary suspension of 17 Kyambogo University students : "You're always with those who seek to cause instability and chaos! We get you, you'll go learn Runyankole too". This warning refers to the abduction and acts of torture suffered by Eddie Ssebuufu, alias Eddie Mutwe, the civilian bodyguard of opposition leader Bobi Wine. A picture of this bodyguard, showing visible marks of torture, has been posted online with the caption “Learning Runyankore”.

The Observatory strongly condemns the acts of ill-treatment and online treats committed against Ssuuna James and calls on the Ugandan judicial authorities to carry out an immediate, independent, thorough, and impartial investigation in order to identify the perpetrators and instigators and hold those responsible accountable.

The Observatory urges the Ugandan judicial authorities to drop all charges against Mr. Ssuna, which appear to be aimed at intimidating and silencing him for his legitimate human rights work and calls on them to put an end to any act of judicial harassment against him, as well as against all human rights defenders in the country.

The Observatory calls on the Ugandan judicial authorities to guarantee in all circumstances the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, as enshrined in Article 29 of the Ugandan Constitution and in regional and international human rights treaties, and in particular in Articles 11 and 9 of the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights, as well as in Articles 21 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Uganda is a party.

1 On 31 January 2025, in the case Attorney General V Micheal Kabaziguruka Civil Appeal No. 02 of 2021, the Supreme Court of Uganda delivered a landmark judgement which quashed the authority of the General Court Martial to try civilians, declaring that all charges, ongoing and pending criminal trials, and convictions (which have been appealed) involving civilians before a military court must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts of law with competent jurisdiction.]]> The Observatory has been informed about the ongoing judicial harassment of Mr. Ssuuna James, a cyberactivist and human rights defender, founder and Executive Director of Freedom Hive Uganda, an organisation committed to social justice, gender equality, and rights of marginalized groups in Uganda.

On 19 May 2025, Ssuuna James is expected to appear before the Chief Magistrates’ Court of Kampala for the next hearing in his trial for “common nuisance” (Section 148 (1) cap 128 of the Penal code) charges. If convicted, Mr. Ssuuna could face up to two years in prison.

The charge against Mr. Ssuuna stems from his participation to a peaceful protest against the government’s delay in implementing the Supreme Court ruling ordering the transfer of civilian cases from military to civilian courts1, which took place on 10 February 2025 at Constitutional Square in Kampala. During this protest, more than five uniformed and plain-clothed police officers violently dragged Mr. Ssuuna to the ground, forcefully lifted him and arrested him. These acts of ill-treatment resulted in physical injuries, including serious harm to his genital area, with lasting effects to this day. Following his arrest, Mr. Ssuuna was arbitrarily detained for two nights at the Central Police Station in Kampala, beyond the 48-hour limit set by Article 23(4)(b) of the Constitution.

On 12 February 2025, he was charged with “common nuisance” before Grade 1 Magistrate Alex Niyonzima and remanded to Luzira Prison. On the same day, his bail application was denied, but he was released on bail the following day.

Subsequently, Mr. Ssuuna appeared multiple times before the same magistrate on 4 March, 14 March and 15 April 2025 regarding the same charge. As the prosecution failed to present any witnesses, another hearing has been scheduled for 19 May 2025.

On 4 May 2025, Mr. Ssuuna received the following threat from an unidentified user in response to his post on the social media X about the arbitrary suspension of 17 Kyambogo University students : "You're always with those who seek to cause instability and chaos! We get you, you'll go learn Runyankole too". This warning refers to the abduction and acts of torture suffered by Eddie Ssebuufu, alias Eddie Mutwe, the civilian bodyguard of opposition leader Bobi Wine. A picture of this bodyguard, showing visible marks of torture, has been posted online with the caption “Learning Runyankore”.

The Observatory strongly condemns the acts of ill-treatment and online treats committed against Ssuuna James and calls on the Ugandan judicial authorities to carry out an immediate, independent, thorough, and impartial investigation in order to identify the perpetrators and instigators and hold those responsible accountable.

The Observatory urges the Ugandan judicial authorities to drop all charges against Mr. Ssuna, which appear to be aimed at intimidating and silencing him for his legitimate human rights work and calls on them to put an end to any act of judicial harassment against him, as well as against all human rights defenders in the country.

The Observatory calls on the Ugandan judicial authorities to guarantee in all circumstances the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, as enshrined in Article 29 of the Ugandan Constitution and in regional and international human rights treaties, and in particular in Articles 11 and 9 of the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights, as well as in Articles 21 and 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Uganda is a party.

1 On 31 January 2025, in the case Attorney General V Micheal Kabaziguruka Civil Appeal No. 02 of 2021, the Supreme Court of Uganda delivered a landmark judgement which quashed the authority of the General Court Martial to try civilians, declaring that all charges, ongoing and pending criminal trials, and convictions (which have been appealed) involving civilians before a military court must immediately cease and be transferred to the ordinary courts of law with competent jurisdiction.]]> Thailand: Death in detention of pro-democracy activist Netiporn “Bung” Sanesangkhom https://observatoryfordefenders.org/alert/thailand-death-in-detention-of-pro-democracy-activist-netiporn-bung-sanesangkhom/ Thu, 16 May 2024 11:30:18 +0000 https://observatoryfordefenders.org/?post_type=alert&p=22052 Paris - Geneva - Bangkok, May 16, 2024 – On May 14, 2024, Netiporn “Bung” Sanesangkhom, 28, a member of the pro-democracy group Thalu Wang, died while in pre-trial detention on charges of violating Article 112 of Thailand’s Criminal Code (lèse-majesté). The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT), the Cross Cultural Foundation (CrCF) and Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) are deeply saddened by her senseless death, which underscores the deep flaws in Thailand’s judicial and penitentiary systems. Netiporn “Bung” Sanesangkhom was reported to have suffered a cardiac arrest while in custody of the Department of Corrections on the morning of May 14, 2024. She became unconscious at the Department of Corrections Hospital in Bangkok before being transferred to Thammasat University Hospital in Pathumthani Province, where she was later pronounced dead at 11:22am. Since January 26, 2024, Ms. Netiporn had been detained at the Central Women’s Correctional Institution in Bangkok, after the Bangkok South Criminal Court found her guilty of contempt of court and sentenced her to one month in prison in relation to a physical altercation with the Court’s security personnel on October 19, 2023. The incident occurred while she and other Thalu Wang members were attending the verdict hearing in a lèse-majesté case against another pro-democracy activist. On the same day, the Bangkok South Criminal Court revoked Ms. Netiporn’s bail in a lèse-majesté case1 originating from a public opinion poll on royal motorcades conducted by her and other Thalu Wang activists at Bangkok’s Siam Paragon shopping mall on February 8, 2022. The Court ruled that Ms. Netiporn violated her bail conditions by spraying paint onto the Queen’s flag during a peaceful demonstration in front of the Ministry of Culture in Bangkok on August 6, 2023. On January 27, 2024, Ms. Netiporn commenced a dry hunger strike to demand judicial reform and the cessation of imprisonment of individuals for expressing dissenting opinions. Due to her deteriorating health, she was transferred to medical facilities several times. She resumed drinking water in February 2024 and eating in April 2024. Prior to her death, on April 4, 2024, she had been receiving treatment at the Department of Corrections Hospital in Bangkok for her deteriorating health as a result of the hunger strike. Ms. Netiporn had previously undertaken a hunger strike in 2022 while held in pre-trial detention at the Central Women’s Correctional Institution in connection with the opinion poll case, alongside fellow Thalu Wang activist Natthanit “Baipor” Duangmusit. Despite their deteriorating health, their requests for bail were repeatedly denied until August 4, 2022. They had initiated the hunger strike on June 2, 2022, to protest their detention. Ms. Netiporn was a prominent activist who advocated for LGBTIQ+ and youth rights in 2020-2021. She then joined the pro-democracy group Thalu Wang (“shattering the palace”), where she actively engaged in conducting public opinion polls regarding the Thai monarchy. Her political activism was met with repeated prosecutions since 2021, including two cases under Article 112. Between November 24, 2020 and May 16, 2024, at least 272 individuals, including many human rights defenders and 20 minors, were charged under Article 112 of lèse-majesté. Eighteen of them are currently detained pending trial, and seven are serving prison sentences, including Anon Nampa, a prominent pro-democracy activist and human rights lawyer who was found guilty under Article 112 for the third time on April 29, 2024, and is now serving a total prison term of 10 years and 20 days. The Observatory, CrCF, and TLHR express their deepest sorrow over the death of Netiporn Sanesangkhom and urge the Thai government and relevant authorities, namely the Department of Corrections, the Office of the Attorney General, and the police, to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation to determine the cause and circumstances of her death. Furthermore, the organisations call for the immediate and unconditional release of all detained pro-democracy activists and human rights defenders, including those held under Article 112. The organisations also urge the Thai government to refrain from arresting, prosecutin, and detaining human rights defenders under Article 112 for exercising their fundamental right to freedom of opinion and expression. Additionally, the organisations urge the Thai government to amend Article 112 to bring it into line with Thailand’s human rights obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).   1 Article 112 of the Thai Criminal Code imposes jail terms of three to 15 years for anyone found guilty of defaming insulting, or threatening the King, the Queen, the Heir to the throne, or the Regent.]]> Paris - Geneva - Bangkok, May 16, 2024 – On May 14, 2024, Netiporn “Bung” Sanesangkhom, 28, a member of the pro-democracy group Thalu Wang, died while in pre-trial detention on charges of violating Article 112 of Thailand’s Criminal Code (lèse-majesté). The Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH-OMCT), the Cross Cultural Foundation (CrCF) and Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) are deeply saddened by her senseless death, which underscores the deep flaws in Thailand’s judicial and penitentiary systems. Netiporn “Bung” Sanesangkhom was reported to have suffered a cardiac arrest while in custody of the Department of Corrections on the morning of May 14, 2024. She became unconscious at the Department of Corrections Hospital in Bangkok before being transferred to Thammasat University Hospital in Pathumthani Province, where she was later pronounced dead at 11:22am. Since January 26, 2024, Ms. Netiporn had been detained at the Central Women’s Correctional Institution in Bangkok, after the Bangkok South Criminal Court found her guilty of contempt of court and sentenced her to one month in prison in relation to a physical altercation with the Court’s security personnel on October 19, 2023. The incident occurred while she and other Thalu Wang members were attending the verdict hearing in a lèse-majesté case against another pro-democracy activist. On the same day, the Bangkok South Criminal Court revoked Ms. Netiporn’s bail in a lèse-majesté case1 originating from a public opinion poll on royal motorcades conducted by her and other Thalu Wang activists at Bangkok’s Siam Paragon shopping mall on February 8, 2022. The Court ruled that Ms. Netiporn violated her bail conditions by spraying paint onto the Queen’s flag during a peaceful demonstration in front of the Ministry of Culture in Bangkok on August 6, 2023. On January 27, 2024, Ms. Netiporn commenced a dry hunger strike to demand judicial reform and the cessation of imprisonment of individuals for expressing dissenting opinions. Due to her deteriorating health, she was transferred to medical facilities several times. She resumed drinking water in February 2024 and eating in April 2024. Prior to her death, on April 4, 2024, she had been receiving treatment at the Department of Corrections Hospital in Bangkok for her deteriorating health as a result of the hunger strike. Ms. Netiporn had previously undertaken a hunger strike in 2022 while held in pre-trial detention at the Central Women’s Correctional Institution in connection with the opinion poll case, alongside fellow Thalu Wang activist Natthanit “Baipor” Duangmusit. Despite their deteriorating health, their requests for bail were repeatedly denied until August 4, 2022. They had initiated the hunger strike on June 2, 2022, to protest their detention. Ms. Netiporn was a prominent activist who advocated for LGBTIQ+ and youth rights in 2020-2021. She then joined the pro-democracy group Thalu Wang (“shattering the palace”), where she actively engaged in conducting public opinion polls regarding the Thai monarchy. Her political activism was met with repeated prosecutions since 2021, including two cases under Article 112. Between November 24, 2020 and May 16, 2024, at least 272 individuals, including many human rights defenders and 20 minors, were charged under Article 112 of lèse-majesté. Eighteen of them are currently detained pending trial, and seven are serving prison sentences, including Anon Nampa, a prominent pro-democracy activist and human rights lawyer who was found guilty under Article 112 for the third time on April 29, 2024, and is now serving a total prison term of 10 years and 20 days. The Observatory, CrCF, and TLHR express their deepest sorrow over the death of Netiporn Sanesangkhom and urge the Thai government and relevant authorities, namely the Department of Corrections, the Office of the Attorney General, and the police, to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation to determine the cause and circumstances of her death. Furthermore, the organisations call for the immediate and unconditional release of all detained pro-democracy activists and human rights defenders, including those held under Article 112. The organisations also urge the Thai government to refrain from arresting, prosecutin, and detaining human rights defenders under Article 112 for exercising their fundamental right to freedom of opinion and expression. Additionally, the organisations urge the Thai government to amend Article 112 to bring it into line with Thailand’s human rights obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).   1 Article 112 of the Thai Criminal Code imposes jail terms of three to 15 years for anyone found guilty of defaming insulting, or threatening the King, the Queen, the Heir to the throne, or the Regent.]]>